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MODERN INDUSTRY 

IN RELATION TO 
THE FAMILY, HEALTH 
EDUCATION, MORALITY 



MODERN INDUSTRY 

IN RELATION TO 
THE FAMILY, HEALTH 
EDUCATION, MORALITY 



BY 
FLORENCE KELLEY 

General Secretary, National Consumers' League 



LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

FOURTH AVENUE AND 30TH STREET, NEW YORK 
LONDON, BOMBAY AND CALCUTTA 

1914 



COPYBIGHT, 1914, BY 

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 



NOTE 

This volume contains the substance amplified to 
accord with the unprecedently rapid progress of 
legislation of four lectures given in 1913 at Teach- 
ers' College, Columbia University. They formed the 
opening course of lectures delivered annually under 
the Isabel Hampton Robb Foundation, established 
by the National League of Nursing Education. 



336234 



MODERN INDUSTRY IN RELATION TO 
THE FAMILY 



MODERN INDUSTRY AND THE FAMILY 

MODERN industry affords, in more generous 
measure than the human race has before known 
them, all those goods which form the material 
basis of family life food, clothing, shelter, and 
the materials and opportunities for subsistence 
for husband, wife and children. 

But modern industry tends to disintegrate the 
family, so threatens it that the civilized nations 
are, and for at least one generation have been, ac- 
tively building a code intended to save the family 
from this destructive pressure. 

This is the paradox of Modern Industry. 

It is my object to illustrate this paradox by in- 
dicating some forms of the pressure of industry 
upon the family, and upon each of its elements. 

The American ideal of the home inherited 
from the time when we were an agricultural coun- 
try includes father, mother and children living 
together in a house; the father the breadwinner, 
the mother the homemaker, the children at play 
and at school until they reach a reasonable age for 

3 



4 Modern Industry and the Family 

Work t&e* boys Jfrelping their fathers with the 
: .oMores,;ab,d tEe'girlg learning under their mothers' 
eyes the arts of the housewife, the house which 
shelters this group being the property of the fam- 
ily or in process of becoming their property. 
Originally, the typical home was a farm which 
furnished subsistence, and the children received 
within the family group industrial, religious and 
moral training. Our departure from this early 
ideal under the pressure of modern industry is 
conspicuous. 

The paradoxical tendency of the family to disin- 
tegrate under pressure of the same industry which 
affords it infinite material enrichment offers the 
key to a complex, varied legislative movement go- 
ing forward in all the civilized nations. Seem- 
ingly incoherent, this movement is a ramified ef- 
fort to safeguard the family. The mind is wear- 
ied even by a partial enumeration of the elements 
of the industrial and political code upon which the 
modern world is at work to this end.* 

* Among those elements the following are important: 

a. Compulsory arbitration of labor disputes; 

b. Workmen's compensation and social insurance, factory 
inspection and compulsory provision of fire precautions and 
safety devices; 

c. Regulation of working time, including one day's rest in 
seven, a short working day, prohibition of night work for 



Modern Industry and the Family 5 

Such effort to bulwark the family by compre- 
hensive legislation arises because, all over the 
modern world, a large and increasing proportion 
of husbands and fathers are by the nature of their 
work taken out of their homes, or killed outright, 
or maimed, or they are disabled by industrial dis- 
eases, and thus disqualified for their normal duty 
of breadwinner. 

Or throughout long periods of seasonal unem- 
ployment they are recurrently without earnings. 
Even when in health and at work, unskilled labor- 
ers and many employees of higher grade are so 
far underpaid that they cannot maintain their 
wives and children, who are, therefore, drawn out 
of the home into industry to supplement the earn- 
ings of the father; or the home is invaded under 
the sweating system by the materials of industry. 

women and children, and the utmost attainable restriction of 
night work for men; 

d. Prohibition of child labor and of homework under the 
sweating system; 

e. Minimum wage boards and widows' pensions with gen- 
erous provision for institutional care of certain classes of 
diseased and defective children; 

f. Compulsory education prolonged for part time instruc- 
tion throughout minority; 

g. Housing codes; 
h. Pure food laws; 

i. The enfranchisement of women. 



6 Modern Industry and the Family 

Tendency to Celibacy 

Vast numbers of men never found families at 
all, because they fear to marry upon insufficient 
wages insecurely held by reason of the precarious 
nature of many employments; or because their 
health is destroyed before they reach an economic 
position which seems to them to justify mar- 
riage; or because the girls whom they would 
gladly marry v&rejworn out and broken_down\in the 
service of industry. 

Abjuring family life is a social loss from every 
point of view, most of all when the men who thus 
deny themselves are of a high type and animated 
by unselfishness. Citizens of Cincinnati are erect- 
ing a memorial to such a man, Joe Haeberle, once 
head of the truck drivers' union of that city. This 
self-taught German immigrant worked himself 
literally to death in the service of the children of 
Ohio. Having obtained some drinking fountains 
for the teamsters' horses, he discovered that the 
children made them centres of their play during 
school hours. Thus he learned that great numbers 
of children were out of school because Cincinnati 
had not, at that time, free school books. For 
many years he carried on the agitation for free 
books, for effective compulsory education and, at 
the last, for workable child labor laws. Ham- 



Modern Industry and the Family 7 

pered by his foreign accent, his uncouth, ill-fitting 
clothes, and his uncertain teamster's gait, Joe 
Haeberle spent every free evening, every holiday, 
every Sunday struggling against indifference, and 
prejudice, and active, open hostility, to get for the 
children of Ohio the best that any state gives its 
children. A few months before his too early death, 
he told one of his friends that he had never been 
willing to ask a woman to share with him the 
hardships of life on the only earnings he could 
hope for, ten dollars a week. Faithful to his ideal 
of the society of the future in which all children 
should have the opportunity of education, un- 
selfish in his life and his death, this tender, de- 
voted servant of the children lived and died wife- 
less and childless. 

Compulsory celibacy is the lot of vast numbers 
of men employed upon reclamation, schemes, 
building railways, tunnels and water power con- 
structions. Soinetmies_the work lies far from 
civilization^ but oftener as in Massachusetts, 
Connecticut and New York the inhumane ar- 
rangements of the construction companies and 
contractors make family life impossible for men 
who do this work. Worn-out freight cars and 
vermin-ridden bunk houses are not fit homes for 
wives and children. But these are the dwellings 
afforded for rapidly increasing thousands of work- 



8 Modern Industry and the Family 

ing men, for years at a time, a group being moved 
from one section to another of some great under- 
taking, the quality of their quarters varying little. 

Of all the occupations which detach men from 
home life the oldest is that of the sailors. In 
Phoenicia, in the Greece of Homer, their craft 
was already an ancient one. In our ports as then 
the sailors are proverbially homeless, and their 
numbers grow as the industry of Europe, particu- 
larly that of Germany and England, lives increas- 
ingly by manufacturing and distributing through- 
out the world raw materials from the Tropics, 
these nations importing meanwhile in ever larger 
proportion their own food supplies.* 

New and characteristic of modern industry is 
the myriad of men who float about on land, their 
family life reduced to a minimum by the nature 
of their occupations, among whom are commer- 
cial travellers, kept perforce away from their fam- 
ilies a large part of every year. Sleeping car con- 
ductors and porters, and dining car waiters, leav- 
ing New York to go to Chicago, may there find or- 
ders to go on to Seattle or San Diego, and do not 
know when they will again reach home. In gen- 
eral, family life in the home is obviously mini- 
mized for all those husbands and fathers whose 

*The phenomenal development of the cocoa and chocolate 
industry and of rubber production are cases in point. 



Modern Industry and the Family 9 

work keeps them travelling, e. g., railway engi- 
neers, firemen and brakemen, conductors, porters 
and waiters. 

Hotel employes, cooks and waiters, and domes- 
tic servants are virtually condemned by the pres- 
ent organization of their occupations to separation 
from their wives and children. And the demand 
of the last named employment for surrender of 
the family tie is obviously an element in the per- 
manent, universal, unorganized boycott of domes- 
tic service by American men. Native white Amer- 
ican valets, footmen and butlers virtually do not 
exist. 

When the farm gave us our ideal of family life, 
many varieties of industrial activity were carried 
on upon farms and in rural villages. The village 
blacksmith once made the plough which the 
farmer owned. Now the city of Moline has grown 
up around the plough-making industry, producing 
millions of ploughs. South Bend makes agricul- 
tural wagons, and Auburn manufactures the far- 
mers 7 binding twine. Many cities thus specialize, 
each in one industry formerly conducted on the 
farms. 

While those industries have gone from rural 
life, a new disintegrating element has arisen in the 
floating agricultural workers, a new apparition 
from the city invading the country for a part of 



10 Modern Industry and the Family 

the year. When a Settlement recently wished to 
send a young man to work on a Connecticut farm, 
some forty farmers replied that there would be 
work not for the whole year, but for a few months 
only. For the prospective farm laborer in a New 
England state these offers meant the choice over 
the winter between tramping and the city lodging 
house. 

In the West thousands of men now go annually 
from the cities to work in the grain harvest for a 
period varying from five to nine months. At Hull 
House, years ago, it was horrifying to discover, 
in the neighboring frame cottages, Italian women 
with children living four families in four rooms 
of a flat, one wife and her children in one room, 
because the four men breadwinners of the fam- 
ilies had gone, early in the spring, to work on the 
railroads. Later the men would leave the rail- 
roads for the harvesting, beginning in Texas or 
Arkansas, working northward into Western Can- 
ada, and returning home to Chicago toward 
Thanksgiving. Sometimes they did not come back 
at all. After the harvest every year, families 
were left fatherless by this new American agri- 
culture. We thought of this development of 
pressure of industry upon family life as an epi- 
sode. 

After twenty years we know, however, that it 



Modern Industry and the Family 11 

is a regular part of Western American agriculture, 
which affords no foundation for normal home life 
for these thousands of migratory employes. In 
the canning industry there are, besides floating 
families of workers in buildings and sheds, vegeta- 
ble and berry pickers by thousands of families in 
fields. That is one most striking change that 
modern industry has wrought in agriculture and 
its immediate derivative industries, canning and 
fruit preserving. In the West it is men who mi- 
grate in the service of agriculture. In the East it 
is largely women with numerous young children. 

In the case of sailors, the nature of the work 
itself involves the sacrifice of family life in the 
home. In many other industries, however, the sac- 
rifice is wantonly exacted, as when city railway 
companies require the twelve hours day, and the 
seven days week, and their men are never at home 
to see the children awake. The federal statute in- 
tended to preserve the health of railway em- 
ployes in interstate commerce permits them to 
work sixteen hours in twenty-four ! 

Night work done in paper mills, glassworks, and 
steel manufacture, and a growing number of con- 
tinuous industries keeps fathers away from home 
and makes impossible any wholesome domestic 
companionship. A father at home by day, who is 
trying to make up sleep lost the night before 



12 Modern Industry and the Family 

while at work, is not a helpful element of the fam- 
ily life. 

Night work of many kinds is obviously un- 
avoidable. Its present rapidly increasing dislo- 
cation of family life is, however, doubtless des- 
tined to be checked in proportion as the workers 
attain a deciding voice by strengthening their la- 
bor organizations, or by using their votes more 
wisely, or even by convincing the courts that the 
present distribution of working hours is contrary 
to sound public policy. 

In the interest of the family life of wage earn- 
ers, to assure to fathers opportunity of compan- 
ionship with their wives and children, we Amer- 
icans, in the Twentieth Century, have to strive 
to get by statute that which was laid upon the 
race by the Commandments, namely, one day's 
rest in seven. This was commanded as of equal 
importance with the injunction, Thou Shalt Not 
Kill. The Book of Genesis records that the Lord 
rested upon the seventh day. 

Destruction of Fathers and Injury of Mothers 

When families are founded they are, with ap- 
palling frequency, disrupted by the destruction 
that industry entails upon breadwinners. In 
New York, this greatest of all the industrial states, 
our highest court has held within three years that, 



Modern Industry and the Family 13 

to compel employers to pay a fixed compensation 
to injured employes or surviving widows and 
children, would be taking property from the em- 
ployers without due process of law. Yet the 
process provided by the statute embodied the 
principles common to the compensation laws of 
modern industrial nations.* Workmen's com- 
pensation was thus held contrary to our consti- 
tution. Until this decision can be reversed, work- 
ing people will have, in this state, only the barest 
gambling chance to receive, under the common 
law, some quite incalculable sum awarded by a 
jury, after years of delay in the courts. And the 
most dynamic of all stimuli the financial in- 
centive for making industry safe is withdrawn 
from employers. 

Under this decision industry does not pay its 
bills in the greatest industrial state in the Repub- 
lic. If a railroad has killed the breadwinner of a 

*Ives case, Court of Appeals of New York, March 24, 
1911. Judge Werner, the presiding judge of the New York 
Court of Appeals, who wrote the decision in the Ives case, 
was not re-elected to succeed himself at the election in No- 
vember, 1913. At the same election the New York State 
Constitution was amended by a popular vote for the purpose 
of facilitating legislation creating workmen's compensation. 
In December, 1913, a statute was enacted in accordance with 
the powers conferred by the amended Constitution. This 
new statute also will, however, be tested as to its constitu- 
tionality in due time by the New York Court of Appeals. 



14 Modern Industry and the Family 

family, the railroad industry is not now legally 
the debtor of his widow during widowhood, and 
of the fatherless children even until the 16th 
birthday. If the breadwinner is not killed but 
disabled by an injury incident to his work, or by 
an industrial disease, transforming him from the 
breadwinner to a dragging burden upon his wife 
and children, they need not less but greater in- 
demnification for their loss, not from taxes, or 
charity, but from the industry which deprives 
them of their breadwinner. We are, as a nation, 
far slower than the nations of Europe to enforce 
the payment of this debt to families bereft by in- 
dustry of their breadwinners.* 

As i marriages_fail to occur, and families fail to 
be founded, because of fear of poverty, so, also, in 
many families children are not born, or come into 
life cruelly handicapped, because of the effects of 
industry upon the health of the mothers while,~as 
young girls and young women, they worked Jor 
wages. Sterility among working class wives, 
caused by protracted standing while at work in 
their girlhood, is a source of apprehension among 
physicians whose practice brings wage-earning 
women patients under observation. Sir Thomas 

* Obviously, the final simplification of the vexed problem 
of widows' pensions lies in the direction of keeping fathers 
alive, in good health and at work. 



Modern Industry and the Family 15 

Oliver, the learned and sympathetic English stu- 
dent of American industry from the medical point 
of view, recently published, after a journey among 
American factories, a warning as to the effect on 
the future of the Republic of the employment of 
so many young women in manufacture. 

The absence from home at night of thousands of 
young girls in the telephone service has become a 
matter of course. Seventy-five per cent, of these 
young workers at night are at the age of 18 years, 
according to the latest official report of this state. 
Sleep lost at night cannot be made up by day by 
people who live in the industrial districts of any 
city. What nation ever before took it for granted 
that thousands of young girls 18 years old should, 
in the way of earning their bread, be away from 
home at night? This employment of young girls 
may well be taken as an index of cynicism of pub- 
lic opinion which accepts, under the corrupting in- 
fluence of industry, such disintegration of the 
family as inevitable. 

The field of employment constantly widens in 
which wives are expected to earn wages, as in to- 
bacco factories, laundries, cigar making, the gar- 
ment trades, and the textiles. It is no longer es- 
pecially characteristic of any part of the country 
(as the cotton mill regions of New England) or 
of any one industry (as the textiles) that women 



16 Modern Industry and the Family 

continue wage earning after marriage. The cus- 
tom tends to become universal. Industry now 
counts upon having not only men and girls as 
was for some generations characteristic of Amer- 
ican manufacture but married women as well. 
Girls marry with the knowledge that as wives they 
will have to work for wages, and accept it as the 
will of God, or the course of Nature, when in 
their families babies die. 

Family life in the home is sapped in its foun- 
dations when the mothers of young children work 
for wages. Yet each Census shows a greater num- 
ber of cities where married women are so em- 
ployed and infant mortality ranges high. In Fall 
River, the characteristic textile manufacturing 
city of New England, not only is the general death 
rate higher than in any other city of the same 
size, but infant mortality in particular reaches an 
appalling figure.* This has been the history of 
the textile industries wherever they have been de- 
veloped in Germany, in England, in this coun- 
try a high infant death rate has been their by- 
-product. The double task laid upon mothers in 
such industrial communities is more than they 
can perform, and the babies pay the penalty with 
their lives. 

* Census of 1910, and Federal Report on the Conditions of 
Labor of Woman and Child Wage-Earners. 



Modern Industry and the Family 17 

The fact is moreover increasingly conspicuous 
that, in working class districts of manufacturing 
cities, the death rate of infants is far in excess of 
that in regions inhabited by prosperous people in 
the same cities. The children are consumed, di- 
rectly or indirectly, in the process of producing 
goods, and this while they are within the closest 
embrace of the family, before they are old enough 
for the kindergarten. 

Throughout all civilization wages in industries 
which employ married women tend to range so 
low that only when the whole family is drawn into 
wage earning can a subsistence be earned. In this 
country it is relatively new, but here, as else- 
where, when the textile industries develop, this 
disintegration proceeds conspicuously. Except 
that men in the occupation are largely supplanted 
by their own wives and children, it might truth- 
fully be said that the family is bodily transferred 
from the home to the mill. 

When wives are engaged in night work, the ef- 
fect is devastating. Yet in the cotton mills of the 
southern states such work is not exceptional, it is 
a commonplace part of the life of many mill com- 
munities. 



18 Modern Industry and the Family 

Withdrawal of Children from Homes 

In most industrially developed states the com- 
munity says to the parent: "You may not let 
your child work (except as a newsboy) before its 
14th birthday. You must keep your child in 
school at least until that birthday, and beyond it 
unless the child meets certain fixed requirements 
as to stature, health and ability to read and write 
English^ You must, moreover, feed and clothe 
your boy or girl according to a minimum set for 
you by usage. Failing in these things, appro- 
priate penalties await you, among which is sheer 
deprivation of the guardianship of your child." 

In New York State 38,000 children are main- 
tained in institutions, paid for out of taxes, be- 
cause their natural guardians fail to meet these 
requirements. Few of these institutions are 
schools in any true sense. Fewer still are colonies 
for the care of afflicted children for whom segre- 
gation is needed the mentally deficient, or ad- 
vanced cases of tuberculosis. In the main they 
are free municipal boarding houses, communist 
institutions in which various religious sects at- 
tempt the task, financed out of taxes, of bringing 
up children by wholesale. Undesirable though it 
is, this undertaking constitutes at present the sole 
official attempt of state or city to eke out the ef- 



Modern Industry and the Family 19 

forts of parents who fail, under the pressure of 
industry, to meet modern requirements. 

Institutional care is, however, an attempt to 
substitute charity for justice, necessary so long as 
industry does not pay its debts to the disabled 
and the bereft. 

The stern pressure upon parents has led to a 
nation-wide agitation for public pensions for 
widows, mothers' pensions or "funds to parents" 
acts. And states, cities and charitable organiza- 
tions now vie with each other in assuring us that 
no child need be undernourished, or unfitted for 
school life by reason of destitution.* 

Even more numerous than the families whose 
breadwinners are dead or disabled are those whose 
able-bodied fathers, working in underpaid indus- 
tries for an insufficient annual income, cannot sup- 
port the children as the community demands. 
These account, perhaps more than all other influ- 
ences combined for the exodus from home to mill 
and mine of boys and girls who should still be 
school children. 

There is a tremendous and growing draft of 
children out of the home into industry. In 1912 
in New York City alone 42,000 children, boys and 

*The change of attitude on this subject in the brief period 
since the appearance of Robert Hunter's volume on Poverty 
is striking. 



20 Modern Industry and the Family 

girls below the age of 16 years, were given work- 
ing papers. In all history this is new. Never be- 
fore this modern industrial era did tens of thou- 
sands of young girls and boys in a single city enter 
upon industry away from all control by parents 
or by responsible masters under some form of reg- 
ulated indenture. Regularly each year, in this 
city alone, more than forty thousand boys and 
girls enter as independent units into the world of 
labor. 

The law authorizes the father and mother to 
collect wages of minor children. But the employer 
has no responsibility for getting the wage into the 
hands of parents. Nor is there any responsibility 
upon employers for the health and morals of these 
young workers. No one who has not lived long 
in the foreign colonies can estimate what it means 
to an immigrant parent, when a boy decides that 
he will no longer acknowledge a duty to his par- 
ents and brothers and sisters, will no longer carry 
home his wages. In serving on a scholarship com- 
mittee it is startling to read in the family record 
that there are two older brothers or two older sis- 
ters, who recognize no duty toward their parents 
or the younger child the candidate for a scholar- 
ship who is left to suffer hardship or to accept 
charity. We acquiesce very generally in the loss 
of the sense of duty toward the family on the 



Modern Industry and the Family 21 

part of sons and daughters because industry has 
habituated us, and tempted them, to consider the 
worker as an isolated unit, regardless of family 
ties. 

The House as the Home 

Our traditional national ideal of family life in- 
cludes owning a home, or entering upon the task 
of acquiring one. 

Modern industry achieves for business uses the 
forty stories of the Metropolitan Tower and the 
fifty floors of the Woolworth Building, cheering 
the eyes of the city with their beauty. But for 
the homes of families who work there is main- 
tained and urgently needed a nationwide cru- 
sade for a minimum standard of construction. 
Philanthropy is not yet nobly striving to establish 
among working people lofty ideals of healthful- 
ness, beauty and comfort, in homes wherein a 
worthy life may be lived and childhood may spend 
its years in care-free play. Far from it, we are 
still amply occupied in striving through philan- 
thropic effort and penal statutes to establish mini- 
mum standards below which none may descend. 

In one-room log cabins among cotton fields in 
Georgia and the Carolinas, in fifty-family tene- 
ments in New York City, and in the repellent 
shacks of miners' families in a dozen mining states, 



22 Modern Industry and the Family 

the irony is the same. Families who work are so 
ill housed that it is a problem of self-defence for 
civilization to set a lowest level beneath which no 
southern plantation owner, no mining company, 
no jerry-building city landlord may offer so-called 
"homes/' 

Recently I had occasion to come up from Jack- 
sonville, Florida, through Georgia, the Carolinas, 
and part of Virginia by day. Every new cotton 
mill along the railway is costlier, more modern, 
and better equipped than the last. But nothing 
could be more discouraging than the monotonous 
homes surrounding those mills. We have no dig- 
nified ideal of family homes for wage-earning fam- 
ilies. The farm houses of an older generation, 
owned by their occupants, austere in their sim- 
plicity, had at least a certain dignity. It is ap- 
palling that American people who leave the farms 
acquiesce in living in the homes provided for 
them in the industrial centres by the industry of 
to-day. 

Everywhere, the world over, those who would 
build wholesome and beautiful houses for work- 
ing families, and keep them free from invasion by 
industry, are confronted by an insoluble problem. 
Everywhere this problem consists of the same two 
factors the low family income of laborers, and 
the monopoly power of landowners to make their 



Modern Industry and the Family 23 

own terms for selling, leasing, renting land for 
homes. 

In New York and Chicago, in congested dis- 
tricts where overcrowding is a perennial source of 
disease, I have for more than 20 years observed 
the landlords resisting every attempt to raise the 
standard of workmen's city dwellings. In New 
York, after generations of tenement house reform, 
the number of sunless rooms constantly increases. 
Every new tenement is larger, built to shelter more 
people than the house which it displaces. Infants 
and young children the tenderest, most perish- 
able members of the family succumb most 
quickly to the enfeebling influence of sunless 
dwellings, overcrowding and bad air. And the 
survivors carry with them through life the effects 
upon body and character of this bad beginning. 
Overcrowding and decency are mutually exclusive. 

Overcrowding in tenements arises in part from 
the fact that, among unskilled workers, the small 
and irregular family wage compels the choice to 
be made between food and rent. The question 
forever confronting the unskilled laborer's family 
is: "Shall we have more food and less space?" 
If the decision is in favor of more food, a lodger 
or boarder is commonly added to the already large 
number of occupants of the flat, with all the de- 
moralization and danger arising from the presence 






24 Modern Industry and the Family 

of an outsider, a non-member of the family. A 
neighbor of mine, a tailor out of work, took in a 
man who shared the bed of the youngest son. The 
little boy acquired, after a single night, an infec- 
tion which left him hopelessly, incurably blind. 

These facts are all well known, the story of the 
tenements and their dwellers has long been thread- 
bare, the effort to deal with them has long been 
a weariness to the flesh. The tenements persist 
and increase from generation to generation. This 
is precisely the reason for presenting them once 
more this sinister circumstance that, in spite of 
the teachings of modern science and the efforts 
to apply modern hygiene to every relation of life, 
overcrowded tenements are still here, and New 
York City still suffers, in the Borough of Man- 
hattan, the densest congestion of population in 
the history of the world. And this in spite of all 
the wealth created by modern industry. 

The explanation is to be found in the control 
of industry itself over the minds of reformers 
and of the authorities. It is, indeed, industry 
which calls people to the congested centres by its 
offer of varied work.* It is the Allied Real Estate 
industry, the brokers, the builders, the speculators 
in land and shelter, who constitute the active 

*We have no coherent policy, in any state, calculated to 
draw population away from congested city districts. 



Modern Industry and the Family 25 

enemy to housing progress, just as it is manufac- 
turing industry which calls little girls from school 
to factory, and commercial industry which sells 
foul milk to be fed to babies. 

To deal with modern real estate industry in 
this unlovely role of obstacle to progress we have 
had, hitherto, only little groups of reformers ap- 
plying little remedies. And the continuance of 
the evil witnesses our failure. 

Alone in all the world, our reformers discuss 
houses as though they were balloons, or biplanes, 
or clouds floating aloft unrelated to the land on 
which they stand, unaffected by taxation, de- 
tached from the whole plan of the city of which 
they form so essential and injurious a part. For 
generations our reformers have continued to do 
this, untaught by failure, unstirred by the experi- 
ments of other cities in other lands. 

The comprehensive national policy of Australia 
and New Zealand, applied to distributing popula- 
tion, is too well known and too elaborate to be 
summarized within the limits of a lecture. In 
our neighboring country, Canada, Vancouver has 
untaxed all buildings by way of placing a premium 
upon constructing more of them. England ex- 
hibits besides all the changes arising from the 
Lloyd-George land taxes encouraging experi- 
ments in the Garden Cities, in corporate owner- 



26 Modern Industry and the Family 

ship of land for the common good of the inhabi- 
tants. Port Sunlight and Bournemouth are fa- 
miliar examples and others, less well known, are 
growing up in many parts of England. In Ger- 
many, Frankfort and Ulm have for a quarter 
century been acquiring land, in their municipal 
capacity, for the express purpose of housing work- 
ing people in homes satisfactory to them. 

We, meanwhile, still putter along with prohi- 
bitions and regulations upon owners, builders, 
speculators whom we accept as inevitable. We 
seem unteachable, refractory to enlightenment 
drawn from our own experience of failure, or from 
the stimulating examples to be found in other 
lands. 

Why have we no permanent Federal Commis- 
sion on Homes? 

Invasion of the Home by Manufacture 

In New York City, the greatest, richest centre 
of modern industry in the Western Hemisphere, 
the home, the house, the tenement far from 
sheltering the family and belonging to it, con- 
sumes the family. The tenement house is pro- 
verbially a breeding place of tuberculosis and 
other social diseases. The high cost of land leads 
to congestion of buildings, and this in turn to 
insufficient light, air and space for the family 



Modern Industry and the Family 27 

dwelling. To earn a share of the rent for 
cramped, unwholesome quarters, mothers are 
withdrawn from household work, and, children 
stay from school. They are drawn into industry, 
and the kitchen and bedroom become their work- 
places. 

The assumption universally underlies women's 
wages that there is always a male breadwinner 
successfully performing his allotted task, and any 
earnings of wife and daughter are pin money 
added to his steady income. In fact, however, in 
the chaos of modern industry, the male adult 
breadwinner father or older brother happens 
with tragic frequency to be dead, killed outright 
perhaps by his work a railway accident, a Ti- 
tanic disaster, a mine collapse. Or he may be 
gradually poisoned by the materials of his work, 
or exhausted by its processes. He may be over- 
borne by the temptations of alcohol, predisposed 
to them by fatigue. Or he may be alive and 
strong in body, mind and morals, but condemned 
by the nature of his employment to long and re- 
curring idleness without income. Irregularity of 
work and earnings is a characteristic experience 
of modern industrial life. In these cases the nor- 
mal arrangement is inverted, and industry in- 
vades the home in search of the labor of the crip- 
pled, the bedridden, and the mothers of little 



28 Modern Industry and the Family 

children. Thus because industry has developed, 
bringing in its train underpay, irregularity, dis- 
ease and death, and because our industrial code 
does not yet protect the family, widows and young 
children are forced to take upon themselves the 
burden of manufacture in the home under the 
sweating system. 

The cruel old decision of the Court of Appeals 
of New York still stands unchanged since the 
Jacobs case. The manufacturer's right to invade 
with his materials the homes of the tenement 
dwellers can be restricted only when the interest 
of the health of the public in the restriction is 
obvious to the Court. It was, therefore, deemed 
wiser in 1913, not to include in a list of industries 
to be banished by statute from the tenements 
garments intended for adults! Children are ad- 
mittedly endangered by germs transmitted in 
tenement homework. Any gain to the family life 
of the workers, any freeing of their homes from 
invasion by industry, must be clearly subordinate 
to safeguarding the health of purchasers, lest the 
Court hold the new law contrary to the constitu- 
tion. 

Ownership of the Home 

Incredible sacrifices have been made by mil- 
lions of families for the sake of home ownership. 



Modern Industry and the Family 29 

As long ago as the days of Martin Chuzzlewit, 
Charles Dickens revealed a painful aspect of the 
real estate gambling which has preyed upon this 
effort. 

More recently, great manufacturing corpora- 
tions in villages and small cities have developed 
from this an effective trap, encouraging employes 
to buy homes, and so chaining them to the spot. 
The owners of homes partly paid for dare not 
strike, lest they lose all the payments they have 
made. In Auburn, in 1913, the Harvester Works 
threatened its striking employes that the works 
might be permanently removed. That would 
mean the loss of the employes' whole investment 
in Auburn, a city of homes. 

An opposite method of attaining the same end 
is the generation long policy of coal-carrying 
roads and coal companies, in Pennsylvania and 
West Virginia, where the workers are perforce 
tenants of their employers. In Westmoreland, 
Pennsylvania, the evicted striking miners lived 
for months in tents lent them by other working 
men in the hard winter and late spring of 1912. 
In the winter and spring of 1913 a similar experi- 
ence has befallen the miners in West Virginia. 
Whole communities, evicted by coal companies, 
have camped in tents lent them by the minework- 
ers' union. Evicted wives and newborn babies of 



30 Modern Industry and the Family 

skilled miners died of cold and exposure in the 
midst of the coal fields a grewsome irony of 
modern industry. 

By their onslaughts on the family life of min- 
ers the coal mining companies and the coal carry- 
ing roads may contribute to end the private own- 
ership of coal mines, to make coal a national pos- 
session, and coal mining and coal carrying a na- 
tional service. 

Having thus briefly and fragmentarily indicated 
the disintegrating effect of modern industry upon 
the family as exemplified in the experience of 
fathers, mothers, children, young daughters work- 
ing at night, and the home itself (in the sense of 
physical shelter), there remains underlying all 
family life the means of subsistence. 

The Wage Scale 

In a steadily growing proportion of the Ameri- 
can nation, the economic foundation of the family 
is the wage scale. While our ideal of the home 
remains agricultural we have become, also, an 
industrial people largely dependent upon wages. 
And the wage scale in private industry we have 
left to be determined by the play of competition. 

A single fact brought to light last year illumines 
ironically the relation of modern industry to the 
wage earning family. Dr. Caroline Hedger, of the 



Modern Industry and the Family 31 

Chicago University Settlement, discovered that 
children in the neighborhood of the Chicago 
stockyards are fed coffee because their parents 
cannot afford milk for them. Fathers and moth- 
ers who spend their lives in killing cattle and 
packing meat, to feed this nation and Europe, 
cannot afford for their own children milk in in- 
fancy. In the midst of more cows than are 
brought together anywhere else, babies are fed 
coffee for its cheapness. The railroads' profit on 
hauling milk to the city, the milk trust's dividend 
derived from distributing milk in the stockyards 
district, the milk retailers' profit upon their share 
of this work, and the meagre wage paid to men 
and women who prepare a staple food for adults, 
together result in robbing these babies altogether 
of their most necessary food. 

Competitive determination of wage scales is 
less endurable from decade to decade. Therefore 
we see our fellow citizens swarming into the fed- 
eral civil service in quest of permanent salaries, 
and into state and city employments lured by the 
twofold attraction of permanent employment and 
retiring pensions, however modest both may be. 
Or they seek arbitration of their wage disputes 
under the Erdman Act, or demand the creation 
of minimum wage boards, at least for women and 
minors. 



32 Modern Industry and the Family 

Why do we Americans not frankly copy the 
good democratic method worked out by the Aus- 
tralians since 1896, and adopted with some modi- 
fications in England since 1910? They create in 
an underpaid industry a board composed of rep- 
resentatives, elected by employers and by em- 
ployes, who meet and consider payrolls and the 
cost of living. In the full light of publicity these 
representatives of the parties in interest arrive at 
an agreement which, if approved by the appro- 
priate supervising authority, is thereafter binding 
upon both for an agreed time. At the end of the 
time, either side may ask for a change and the 
negotiations may begin anew. 

Our American spirit in relation to such legisla- 
tion is undemocratic. Although minimum wage 
laws are intended to confirm the economic foun- 
dation of the family and check the process of dis- 
integration, the members of families most con- 
cerned are not necessarily to be consulted accord- 
ing to our present initial statutes. 

Men are omitted from these new laws upon an 
arbitrary assumption that the laws would be un- 
constitutional if applied to men. Why do we 
Americans refuse to face the fact that women and 
minors are earning wages primarily because of 
underpaid husbands and fathers, who would gladly 
keep their wives at home and their children in 



Modern Industry and the Family 83 

school? That it is precisely in the interest of the 
family that the wages of men should be regu- 
lated? 

Our new statutes do not, as in Australia, usu- 
ally provide for election of members of the boards, 
a safeguard of the interests of wageworkers, which 
experience has shown to be useful. Unhappily, 
this new institution of wage boards thus tends, in 
one state after another, to become an eleemosy- 
nary arrangement confined to women and minors, 
instead of a democratic method of constraining 
industry to pay its just debts from week to week, 
to afford an honest and sufficient family liveli- 
hood to all people, men and women alike, who do 
honest work. Why do we not, at the beginning 
of public regulation of wages, strengthen the eco- 
nomic foundations of family life by providing that 
men and women may be elected to represent their 
fellow workers, meeting upon wage boards the 
representatives of employers (elected by the em- 
ployers), the whole group bringing to bear the 
collective wisdom of all upon the difficult subject 
of the payroll? 

Regenerative Forces Within the Family 

Within the family itself, two regenerative forces 
are slowly becoming manifest, the consumers' 
growing consciousness of power over industry, 



34 Modern Industry and the Family 

and the increasing numbers of enfranchised 
women. 

English, German, Belgian and Swiss families 
have set an example to the rest of the world by 
building up cooperative enterprises, retail distri- 
butive at first, and now spreading powerfully in 
the fields of wholesale distribution and manufac- 
ture. Through these agencies cooperating fami- 
lies lower prices, raise qualities, and standardize 
conditions of employment hi relation to the ar- 
ticles consumed in their homes. Incidentally they 
compel their non-cooperative competitors to ap- 
proach more or less closely the same improved 
standards. 

England has in its federated cooperative soci- 
eties nearly three million members, men and wom- 
en, whose capital amounts to more than two and 
a half billion dollars wholly invested in coopera- 
tive enterprises. Through this movement, a large 
proportion of the domestic consumption of the 
families is covered. 

The German societies report a membership of 
more than five and a half million, and an annual 
turnover of a billion and a quarter dollars. 

The admirable social achievement of the Bel- 
gian cooperatives is too well known to require 
more than a passing reference. 

The Ninth International Cooperative Congress, 



Modern Industry and the Family 35 

held at Glasgow in 1913, reports delegates from 
24 nations, in which there are more than twenty 
million members of cooperative societies. Of 
these six millions are within the bodies organically 
affiliated with the International Cooperative Al- 
liance. 

The improved quality of the cooperators them- 
selves is increasingly recognized as of greater im- 
portance than their industrial achievement. 
Their self-confidence, business ability, and active 
participation in the control of industry have no 
parallel among us. In using this vast power at 
their command as consumers, American families 
have strangely lagged behind. Here is a promis- 
ing field of activity ignored by those wives of pro- 
fessional men, and better paid employes, whose 
economic activities have gone from the home, and 
whose enforced leisure is not altogether a source 
of satisfaction. 

Though the vast majority of consumers are 
themselves workers farmers or wage earners 
they have not yet generally perceived that the 
tendency of the family to disintegrate has for its 
final cause the lost ownership of their tools by the 
workers. The civilized world is, however, gradu- 
ally coming to see that it can never return to the 
primitive ownership of the agricultural period. 
The perception spreads from nation to nation that 



36 Modern Industry and the Family 

the growing control of industry by those who work 
brain workers and hand workers means hence- 
forth not direct, individual possession, but an im- 
measurable variety of forms of participation in 
cooperative ownership, public and private. 

In America voting women are increasing from 
year to year and revealing the regenerative power 
of the ballot in the service of the family. Four 
and a half million women vote in Washington, 
Oregon, California, Arizona, Utah, Idaho, Alaska, 
Wyoming, Colorado, Kansas, and Illinois; and in 
thirteen other states the process of enfranchising 
women will reach the stage of referendum to the 
voters before the election of the next President 
in 1916. Already wage earning women and girls 
in Arizona, Washington, California, Colorado and 
the District of Columbia enjoy the benefits of the 
eight hours day; and in Washington, Oregon, 
Utah, Colorado, and California minimum wage 
laws for them have, with their help as voters, been 
enacted, an epoch making innovation, even 
though these laws are still experimental and in 
need of improvement. It seems reasonable to be- 
lieve that these are mere intimations of the meas- 
ures of self-defence of the family which are des- 
tined to be established by means of new powers 
gradually being conferred upon women. 

An infinite vista opens before the mind, of re- 



Modern Industry and the Family 37 

generative power for the restoration and progress 
of the family through the development of coop- 
eration and community action in the industrial 
field. The era of unbridled power exercised by 
irresponsible industry at cost of the family the 
fundamental institution of the human race is 
slowly drawing to a close. 

Hence the vital strength of the rapidly growing 
movement to extend all devices of democratic 
government. When the coming worldwide indus-, 
trial code for restoring and safeguarding the fam- 
ily is at length adopted in its fullness, it will ex- 
press the will of the adult people whom it con- 
cerns, men and women together. In that direction 
lies hope of regeneration of the family under the 
conditions created by modem industry. 



II 



MODERN INDUSTRY IN RELATION TO 
HEALTH 



MODERN INDUSTRY AND HEALTH 

Modern industry offers, in abundance new to 
human experience, everything requisite for the 
enjoyment of good health. It produces unmeas- 
ured wealth in myriad forms food, clothing, 
shelter, books, the means of travel, recreation and 
enjoyment. 

For fighting disease, too, the arsenal was never 
so well furnished. Every year we have more hos- 
pitals, more costly and more splendid, more sana- 
toria, more clinics, more medical schools, more 
training schools for nurses. Endowments for re- 
search increase and the discoveries from their 
laboratories follow each other in hope-inspiring 
succession. Crusades against disease are carried 
forward, nationwide in scope, against tuberculosis, 
infant mortality, cancer, blindness, the social dis- 
eases, and insanity. 

From year to year the social functions of doc- 
tors and nurses are extended. School doctors and 
school nurses are already an old story, their bene- 
ficent work is recognized as indispensable, and 

41 



42 Modern Industry and Health 

their ranks are now increased by their colleagues 
attached to municipal milk stations. Nursing the 
poor in their homes has been, for more than a dec- 
ade, a municipal activity in Los Angeles, and has 
recently celebrated its twentieth anniversary as a 
voluntary activity in New York City. We are 
growing accustomed to the presence of nurses in 
department stores and factories, to follow-up 
nurses from the hospitals, and to nursing in con- 
nection with industrial insurance. 

It is the new wealth created by modern indus- 
try which makes possible this nationwide war 
upon disease. 

This is, moreover, only a part of the cheerful 
tale. Industry affords, almost from day to day, 
fresh resources for making work healthful and 
pleasant. Improvements in the production of 
concrete, steel and glass, and advances in engineer- 
ing, make possible the construction of factories 
fireproof and perfectly lighted, ventilated, and 
heated. Where the outside air is vitiated, it can 
be purified by artificial means while it is brought 
indoors, and this is increasingly done for commer- 
cial purposes. Electrical vacuum processes draw 
off dust at the point at which it is generated, so 
that neither the particular workman engaged at 
a machine hitherto a dangerous dust generator, 
nor his colleague working in the same room, need 



Modern Industry and Health 43 

henceforth suffer from dust. By the use of suit- 
able glass shades, electric light can now be tem- 
pered to the human eye. Seats of all kinds and 
heights are ready on the market. The list of re- 
sources made available by industry itself for mak- 
ing work wholesome and agreeable can be pro- 
longed indefinitely. 

Normally industry itself should be an upbuild- 
ing process, a daily benefit to mind and body of 
all who participate in it. Every sound man and 
woman is physically the better for regular active 
work. Rational exertion with moderate leisure, 
and assured livelihood without worry about daily 
bread, naturally conduce to good health. And for 
all these things modern industry amply provides 
the raw materials. Never before were the techni- 
cal conditions so favorable for assuring to all who 
work reasonably short hours (to avoid the stupe- 
fying effects of monotony and speeding) cheering 
rewards, and the consciousness of useful service. 

With the help of modern hygiene and prevent- 
ive medicine, enriched by all the new resources, 
we ought to be living in vigor and enjoyment on 
our seventieth birthdays, unless we are cut down 
by the enemy in the form of inoperable cancer, 
or some obscure disease of the heart, or by one of 
the mysterious maladies whose secrets science has 
not yet laid bare. Indeed, Professor Metschni- 



44 Modern Industry and Health 

koff has long encouraged us to hope that our great- 
grandchildren may live in physical vigor far be- 
yond the century mark. And certain life insur- 
ance companies are collecting data about cen- 
tenarian policy holders. 

At present, however, the average age at death 
of the American people, in the registration area, 
is approximately 47 years instead of the Biblical 
three score years and ten, or the 140 years held 
out to the hopes of our successors by the head of 
the Pasteur Institute. 

Disease and Death By-products of Industry 

It is the paradox of modern industry in relation 
to health that, while producing the wealth which 
enriches medical institutions and sustains the pro- 
fessions of scientific research, medicine and nurs- 
ing, it gives rise to a considerable part of the dis- 
ease which they strive to cure, and the deaths 
which they aim to defer. Avoidable disease and 
premature death are among its regular by-prod- 
ucts, and it exhausts ever widening ranges of 
working people. It exerts a continuous injurious 
influence upon masses of those who consume its 
products, or work in its service. 

These sinister facts have been slow to attract 
widespread attention because we lack the two 



Modern Industry and Health 45 

essential sources of knowledge about them vital 
statistics and insurance records. 

We are the one great nation without vital sta- 
tistics. We do not know how many children are 
born each year in our Republic, or how many 
people die. 

The first service of the federal Children's Bureau 
in the initial year of its activity consists in forc.- 
ing upon the attention of the nation the fact that, 
of our forty-eight states, only eight register births 
in accordance with the standard set by the Federal 
Census Bureau.* These are the New England 
states with Pennsylvania and Michigan. In New 
York the vital statistics are good enough to bring 
the city within the registration area. But it is 
easier to get birth certificates for little Turks born 
in Turkey, than for American children born in 
the rural counties of New York State when the 
children apply for "working papers," and their 
birth certificates are their first requisite. 

After the vital statistics which we lack, the sec- 
ond available source of exact knowledge of the 

* These states were admitted to the "provisional registration 
area." Not all of them have complete registration. New 
laws go into effect (1914) in Arkansas, North Carolina, and 
Tennessee, and amendments in some other states. It is not 
possible to say whether their results will be satisfactory until 
they have had sufficient time to give a fair test, there are so 
many conditions affecting the completeness of returns. 



46 Modern Industry and Health 

relation of disease to industry would be the records 
of social insurance such as Germany has been ac- 
cumulating throughout a quarter century. In 
the coal mining areas and textile manufacturing 
districts in Germany, the births and deaths of 
children, and the age at death, and causes of 
death, of their fathers are known through vital 
statistics and social insurance records. The rela- 
tive dangers to life and health in these two great 
industries can, therefore, be accurately traced. 

For the corresponding coal mining areas of 
West Virginia and textile manufacturing districts 
of New Jersey, we know nothing trustworthy as 
to birth, death, health or disease of children or 
parents. So, too, in regard to the stockyards re- 
gion of Chicago, the second city of the nation. 
Although it is a matter of common knowledge that 
children born in that part of the city die in great 
numbers very young, we have no scientific, official 
statement. 

After a nationwide crusade lasting ten years, 
we have no adequate registration of a disease so 
omnipresent as tuberculosis. 

We have no national policy with regard to 
health, and no scientific basis for the adoption of 
such a policy. The absence of vital statistics in- 
dicates correctly our national indifference to the 
;whole subject. Indeed, in recent years an effort 



Modern Industry and Health 47 

to create a federal Department of Health with a 
representative in the Cabinet has called forth hor- 
rifying opposition. 

Under these circumstances of national indiffer- 
ence to life and health, our belated state in regard 
to social insurance follows naturally. The first 
American conference on the subject occurred in 
1913, and the tenth biennial meeting of the Inter- 
national Conference, which will be held in the 
United States in 1915, will be the first session held 
in this country. Social insurance records are, 
thus, for us wholly a hope for the future. 

All these difficulties being duly recognized, it is 
still true that, at least within the registration area, 
we know enough in regard to deaths to venture 
certain conclusions. Among these the most im- 
portant is that, within that area, the death rate 
is too slowly declining, the average life is too 
slowly lengthening.* 

After living more than twenty years in working 
class districts of two leading industrial cities, New 
York and Chicago, I am impressed with the deadly 
effects, in working class families, of two active 
continuing influences the bad food supply, and 
the ignorant mothers in relation to that supply. 
Whatever progress has been achieved in prolong- 
ing human life by reducing mortality of infants 



48 Modern Industry and Health 

and young children is due to efforts directly coun- 
teracting these agencies. 

Commercialized Food 

In certain cities charitable societies and boards 
of health afford, through a limited number of milk 
stations, supplies especially provided for the chil- 
dren of the poor and warranted not to kill or in- 
jure them. But for the general supply consumed 
by families who are neither rich enough to buy 
certified milk, nor poor enough for charity, we set 
a standard too low for health, too high for the 
farmers under present railway charges. Why have 
we not good milk for all, since the technical knowl- 
edge necessary for obtaining it is now everywhere 
available? 

A chief difficulty is an industrial one, the slow 
service and excessive charges of railroads. These 
discourage farmers from enlarging their output, 
and in great measure spoil the product in transit, 
by exposing it to prolonged heat in summer, and 
by tempting shippers to drug milk with preserva- 
tives. 

Retail dealers constitute a second great diffi- 
culty in the way of a wholesome urban milk sup- 
ply for all the children. They keep up the price, 
and succumb to temptation to spoil milk as food 
for babies by adding water or preservatives (for- 



Modern Industry and Health 49 

maldehyde and others) to their own profit. They 
add germs of malignant disease when milk is sold 
in little shops that are the front rooms of dwell- 
ings in which there happens to be illness. And 
their dirty ways often add to milk filth bacteria 
that are fatal, particularly during hot weather, 
to little children and to invalids. Such hordes of 
milk retailers are licensed, that no one can pos- 
sibly know how they conduct their business day by 
day and hour by hour. Yet this is a matter of 
life and death for children. 

Before infant mortality can be reduced to its 
possible minimum, the milk industry must, in the 
interest of all children in all city homes, be munici- 
pal like the water supply, and like it safe and 
abundant. Although this change obviously can- 
not be complete until American railroads are, like 
the Swiss railroads, public servants of the people, 
hopeful beginnings exist in the municipal milk 
stations of New York, Rochester, and a few other 
cities. 

Minor industrial causes of infant mortality are 
worthless baby foods, poisonous soothing syrups, 
and long rubbered feeding bottles. For children 
a few years older, at the kindergarten and primary 
school age, industry purveys candy, soda water 
and ice-cream in which glue, lampblack, glucose, 
sulphurous acid, saccharin, paraffin, coal-tar dyes, 



50 Modern Industry and Health 

and many poisonous coloring matters are ingredi- 
ents. It is chiefly boys and girls of wage earning 
families who buy them, often as substitutes for 
regular meals, spending for them pennies left for 
food by a mother whose occupation keeps her 
away from home at meal times. Children who 
buy these substitutes for food do so habitually. 
Their appetite for wholesome food is cloyed, their 
digestion clogged, and malnutrition follows. 

It is hard to conceive of a city or state produc- 
ing and distributing substances like these. And 
the question, therefore, arises in behalf of the 
most dependent, defenceless members of the com- 
munity, how long our food supply is to be, en- 
trusted to adulterators and speculators? 

There is a widespread misapprehension as to 
the degree of protection afforded to the public 
by the federal pure food law. All the substances 
above enumerated are debarred from interstate 
commerce if shipped for use as food. But they 
can be legally manufactured and sold locally, un- 
less state laws or city ordinances against them are 
enacted and enforced. 

All these injurious articles are sold to New York 
City school children in the immediate vicinity of 
school buildings. They are manufactured and 
consumed within the city, and therefore escape 
the national pure food and drug law. 



Modern Industry and Health 51 

The same exemption applies to tuberculous milk 
and meat if produced and sold locally. Every 
state is free to legislate or not as it sees fit, and 
every community is a law unto itself in the matter 
of enforcement. In the whole country, only three 
cities have municipal slaughter houses. In these 
the city naturally determines the method of pre- 
paring the meat supply, and the state laws can 
obviously be enforced without incentive to resist- 
ance or evasion. If the municipal abattoirs were 
supplemented with city markets suitably placed, 
one important element of the food problem of 
wage-earning families in those cities would be 
greatly simplified. 

^ Ignorant Mothers 

Physicians and nurses working in connection 
with milk stations agree that their most useful 
service consists in educating mothers in the care 
of babies and young children. For of what avail 
is it to get certified milk into the tenements, an 
expensive and laborious process, if the mothers 
then leave it exposed to heat, bad air and flies? 
Or if they continue, as before, to feed the babies 
coffee, cucumbers and pickles? 

The cause of the mothers' ignorance is usually 
the insufficient wage of the family breadwinner 
which in industrial communities urges the young 



52 Modern Industry and Health 

girls to leave school from grades below that in 
which domestic science instruction even begins. 
In the great Southern cotton manufacturing 
states in Georgia, Alabama, the Carolinas 
where children enter the mills exceptionally at 
seven and eight years, and in great numbers at 
eleven and twelve, their minds are not mature 
enough to profit by such instruction as future 
mothers need for the safety and welfare of their 
children. 

From the point of view, however, of the life 
and health of the next generation, the employment 
of little girls in mills is hardly more injurious than 
the exhausting and stupefying work of older ones, 
from fourteen to twenty. An industrial Republic 
needs highly intelligent mothers, capable of tak- 
ing care of the health of all the members of the 
family, of whom the babies are merely the most 
sensitive and perishable. For this reason the 
public welfare requires that all working girls 
should be kept in attendance at part time con- 
tinuation schools far beyond the present limit of 
sixteen years of age, whatever modification of 
workroom schedules and of existing curricula this 
may involve. 

The disease most common among working peo- 
ple, tuberculosis, is cultivated by wholesale in the 
tenement home and in the workroom. Crowded 



Modern Industry and Health 53 

sleeping rooms, broken rest, insufficient, ill pre- 
pared, unsuitable food at home cooperate with 
fatigue, dust, strain in the workroom to prepare 
the bodies of workers, particularly of the young, 
to receive the germ under circumstances favorable 
to its development. Nightwork especially predis- 
poses the young frame to welcome the plague, for 
sleep lost at night cannot be made up in a working 
class district. 

Tuberculosis is a mass product of modern in- 
dustry. Yet in our crusade against it we have, 
hitherto, used retail measures. The crusade has, 
therefore, no such sweeping reduction in cases to 
report as its founders hoped and foretold a decade 
ago. The industrial predisposing causes are all 
still in force poverty, fatigue, tuberculous meat 
and milk on the market, bad housing, and conges- 
tion of population.* 

Wages and Health 

The cost of living has increased in recent years, 
and the standard of living has fallen, certainly for 
the unskilled, the common laborers. 

*It will be a matter of literally vital interest to watch 
the activities of the newly enfranchised women in San Fran- 
cisco, Los Angeles and Chicago as to the public health in 
these aspects the care of the food supply, the education of 
girls for family life, and the solution of the hitherto insoluble 
housing problem. 



54 Modern Industry and Health 

In the minds of working people the world over 
there has never been a doubt that, for their health, 
the most important consideration is the standard 
of living, steady income, rational in relation to the 
cost of food, clothing, shelter. Hence their in- 
numerable strikes for increased wages. 

Unhappily, the workers have not hitherto con- 
trolled this relation, for how do they profit by an 
increased wage in the cases in which they succeed 
in getting it, if the increase all goes to the land- 
lord, the meat trust, the coal trust, the milkman? 
Without scientific distribution of the necessaries 
of life as pure and cheap as our existing technic 
makes possible, the increase becomes illusory. 
This long-delayed expansion of public functions 
we are justified in expecting of the new voters of 
whom so large a proportion are self-supporting, 
or the wives of wage-earning men. 

As important for the public health as for the 
restoration of the family is the new interference 
of the public in the determination of wages. It 
has become a matter of almost annual recurrence 
that the federal government intervenes between 
some large congeries of railroads and their or- 
ganized employes to maintain the standard of 
wages. The new state commissions on women's 
wages are obviously destined to contribute to- 
wards preventing tuberculosis and insanity by 



Modern Industry and Health 55 

assuring a livelihood, however modest, to women 
workers who have proverbially worked the long- 
est hours, at the most wearing tasks, for the most 
wretched pay. 

The present conflagration of interest and alarm 
concerning the wages of women and girls in rela- 
tion to the public health and morals was kindled 
in greater degree than is commonly known by the 
modest little volume, Making Both Ends Meet, 
by Edith Wyatt and Sue Ainslie Clark,* which 
embodied facts gathered directly from some hun- 
dreds of women and girls living away from their 
families and supporting themselves. Its publica- 
tion stimulated some of the earliest direct efforts 
in this country for wage legislation. 



i 



Preventable Dangers in Industry 

The characteristic of modern industry is inces- 
sant change. As old processes are abandoned and 
new ones introduced, new dangers, new injurious 
influences constantly arise, and new powers of 
controlling them as well. Among the incidents 
of industry varying from branch to branch, from 
place to place, are heat, cold, glare, darkness, in- 

*Macmillan, 1910. Miss Wyatt is Vice-President of the 
Consumers' League of Illinois, and Miss Ainslie made her 
investigation while one of the secretaries of the National 
Consumers' League. 



56 Modern Industry and Health 

sufficient lighting, noise, speeding, monotony, 
heavy lifting, standing, bad air, dampness, con- 
tact with poisonous materials, dangerous machin- 
ery, and processes generating dust, gases and 
vapors. 

These industrial menaces to the health of wage- 
earners are discussed in ever fresh editions of for- 
eign standard works on industrial hygiene. It is 
a striking and discreditable fact that we have, in 
the United States, no standard work on this in- 
finitely important subject. We are dependent 
upon the English writers, Sir Thomas Oliver and 
Hutchins and Harrison, although, in many impor- 
tant respects, conditions are so different in the two 
countries that these valuable works are in part 
inapplicable here.* 

Indeed, it is only because of the default of sci- 
ence in this field that a lay observer finds a re- 

*The first American monographs dealing with special as- 
pects of industrial disease are still recent, Dr. Alice Hamil- 
ton's studies of lead poisoning, published by the U. S. De- 
partment of Labor, and Dr. John B. Andrews' investigation 
of the use of white sulphur in manufacturing matches. 

Two valuable state reports dealing with more general 
aspects of health and industry are those of the Mass. State 
Board of Health (1907) and the more recent Illinois State 
Commission on the Health, Safety and Comfort of Em- 
ployes. 

The New York State Factories Investigating Commission, 
also, in ita current reports contributes valuable data. 



Modern Industry and Health 57 

spectful hearing. It is as a lay observer that I 
venture to report the following observations inci- 
dental to my work as factory inspector for the 
State of Illinois, or as visitor for the National 
Consumers' League, or as one (for a brief month) 
of the members of the staff of the Pittsburgh 
Survey. 

In Chicago, at the Stockyards, in 1895, on an 
August day so hot that three employes died of 
sunstroke, young immigrant boys were serving as 
door-openers of the cooling rooms. A boy open- 
ing a door for little electric trains carrying sides 
of beef, was as the door swung open exposed 
to the scorching heat of the outside world. Then 
-as the train slowly passed him the door swing- 
ing inward he returned to his post inside the 
cooling room where icicles hung from the ceiling 
because that temperature was necessary for the 
meat. All day long, he oscillated between those 
extremes of temperature. Cynical, indeed, was 
the contrast between the provision for the well- 
being of the beef, and the exposure of the immi- 
grant boys to pneumonia or rheumatism ! 

If there is, to-day, any regulation of tempera- 
ture at the Chicago Stockyards in the interest of 
the health of employes, it has been achieved 
through enforcement of the Health, Safety and-i 



58 Modern Industry and Health 

t Comfort Act, under the new administration, and 
x within the past few months. 

In Pittsburgh, the Black City, a department 
store exhibits marvellous laces, and delicately 
tinted, perishable silks. The soot laden city air 
is drawn down through a high intake, and kept 
physically pure by being pumped through flowing 
water and cotton batting. In this store are to be 
found the most uniformly courteous, unwearied, 
refreshed looking sales clerks in all the city. 
When I commented upon this fact to the man- 
ager, he agreed that pure, fresh air undoubtedly 
was one contributing cause of this desirable con- 
dition. "But," he said, "it is only honest to tell 
you that we did that in the first place for the sake 
of the laces and silks." 

In a candy factory in the same Black City of 
Pittsburgh, I found on a horribly smoky, muggy 
September afternoon, in 1907, a workroom so cool 
and refreshing, in which everyone looked so com- 
fortable, that I have always remembered it as a 
bright spot in a dismal experience. The work- 
room was kept at a fixed temperature and the air 
pure because the girls were dipping chocolates of 
the finest and most expensive quality which would 
be ruined if the heat and soot of the city reached 
them. For that one room the air was pumped 
through cotton batting and cold, flowing water 



Modern Industry and Health 59 

and, by a fortunate accident, the temperature re- 
quired for the chocolates happened also to be 
wholesome and agreeable for the workers. The 
closing gong sounded while we lingered in the 
room, and the girls showed no zeal to rush for 
their hats and quit the place. I spoke of this to 
one of them, and her quick reply was "Do you 
think we're going to be as comfortable as this 
again before we get back here to-morrow morn- 
ing?" 

Surely the time cannot be far distant when the 
conscience of the community will demand of the 
chocolate industry that it shall do throughout, 
for the health and comfort of its workers, what it 
now finds it profitable to do in one room in each 
factory for the sake of the appearance of its 
product. 

In a southern city, in the heart of a vast to- 
bacco growing region, I was taken to see a new 
candy factory of which the citizens were proud. 
It was in a fine new concrete building, with in- 
numerable windows admitting light and air. 
These were open in the mild southern climate, 
and a swarm of bees had entered through them in 
search of sweets. A battle was going on between 
the employes and the bees, and the floor was 
strewn with dead and wounded insects. To me as 
representative of the consuming public, this floor 



60 Modern Industry and Health 

was of extraordinary interest. It was of light- 
colored concrete, smooth and adapted to the main- 
tenance of exquisite cleanliness. The manager 
had provided numerous spittoons for the use of 
the workmen. Neither he nor they seemed, how- 
ever, to feel under obligation to use them, and 
the light-colored, smooth concrete floor was dis- 
figured in many directions with pools of tobacco 
juice, through which flies and surviving wounded 
bees crawled in great numbers, crawling after- 
wards over candy in various stages of preparation 
and packing. 

In this new factory the latest machinery was 
installed. Here, too, the chocolate room was kept 
at a fixed temperature. The candies were of all 
qualities, from fine bon-bons to the poisonous 
trash which mission Sunday schools buy for their 
Christmas trees. Coal-tar dyes of many colors 
stood boldly open to view, and our friendly host 
offered us candies to eat, unconscious of the hor- 
ror inspired by his defiled floor, his spittoons, and 
his coal-tar dyes. 

There was, at that time, no state factory law, 
and no requirement that seats should be provided 
for women and girls at work. A large group of 
young girls, apparently between 14 and 16 years 
of age stood, packing candy for shipment, at a 
table far too high for them, which had been origi- 



Modern Industry and Health 61 

nally adapted to a group of men who were now 
working in a different part of the factory. To our 
suggestion that the girls could do more work in a 
day if the table were lowered and they were al- 
lowed to sit, the manager genially replied that 
they were paid by the piece and worked as hard as 
they could, whatever position they were in. The 
concrete floor, which so sadly failed of its purpose 
in the matter of cleanliness, was terribly hard 
upon the feet of all who had to stand long upon 
it. Needless standing is always an indication of 
incompetent management. It is less injurious to 
boys than to girls because of their different struc- 
ture, and because they are so inevitably restless 
that they shift about and lessen the harm to them- 
selves without knowing that they are doing it. 
Their very restlessness often saves them from be- 
ing asked to stand except when actively engaged 
in tending a machine which automatically keeps 
them still. 

That factory ships candy in quantities through- 
out the Southwest, and the people of the city in 
which it stands buy its product with pride and 
pleasure because it is the most modern of their 
industries. The manager is a much respected, 
enterprising citizen, no more aware of the relation 
of industry to health and disease than the people 
among whom he moves socially. 



62 Modern Industry and Health 

How far we are from acting upon the idea that 
work is one foundation of health, how much 
farther from compelling industry to use its own 
inherent resources for the good health of the work- 
ers, is illustrated by an episode of the Pittsburgh 
Survey. During an early conference of the in- 
vestigators, in September, 1907, someone sug- 
gested that one of the first inquiries should test 
the truth of the statement that, in the steel in- 
dustry, men were employed 365 days in the year, 
twelve hours a day; and twice a month 24 hours 
at a stretch, at the turn of the shift from night- 
work to daywork on Sunday. All who were pres- 
ent agreed, except the questioner, that it seemed 
inconceivable that men could endure such strain, 
especially in the heat at which much of the work 
is done. 

After a fortnight, however, Professor Commons 
reported that it was true. Those were the work- 
ing hours, for the water boys as well as for the 
men whom they served, and the consequences were 
such as would naturally follow. Occasionally a 
man died at his work. Sometimes a man collapsed 
on the way home. Strained hearts, paralysis, and 
disorders less obviously traceable to a particular 
exertion but due to heat, fatigue, and strain car- 
ried men off. 

The steel industry did not, at that time, get 



Modern Industry and Health 63 

many local recruits among Americans, or among 
foreigners who had been here any length of time. 
Employment bureaus were maintained to bring in 
men from Ellis Island to Pittsburgh, to work 
under that strain. 

When the facts were ascertained and made pub- 
lic, conditions began very slowly to change in 
some degree. Sunday repair work was reduced 
in some places; shifts were, in some cases, changed 
from two of twelve hours to three of eight hours 
each, though 63 per cent, of employes in the steel 
industry still worked 12 hours in 24 in the year 
1913. 

The stockholders of the industry have again 
voted against a general reduction of the working 
hours to eight; and the legislature of Pennsyl- 
vania has again killed a bill which would, if 
enacted, have ended the employment at night of 
boys fourteen and fifteen years old in making 
steel. 

Neither the federal government, the State of 
Pennsylvania, nor the City of Pittsburgh has 
records showing what this overwork has been do- 
ing to the health of the workers. When men fell 
ill of tuberculosis, rheumatism, or other slow dis- 
abling disease, they commonly went home to 
Europe to die, so that they did not even appear 



64 Modern Industry and Health 

in the mortality figures of the decennial federal 
Census. 

The steel industry had been encouraged in reck- 
lessness by a decision of the Supreme Court of 
Pennsylvania. If an alien was killed in industry, 
the surviving alien dependents living in Europe 
could not through counsel, or through the consul 
of their own country, appear in any court in Penn- 
sylvania to ask damages for the loss of their bread- 
winner. This has recently been altered by statute, 
so that to-day, if a Slav or an Italian comes to this 
country leaving his family in Europe and is killed 
while still an alien, his family may claim damages. 

Sinister, indeed, for a series of years, was the 
influence of that decision upon the health and 
safety of workingmen in Pennsylvania. To avoid 
the possible costs entailed by the death of native 
or naturalized men while at work, employment 
agents bringing in recruits for the dangerous in- 
dustries were actively tempted by the decision to 
prefer detached aliens. 

Our greatest manufacturing industry was, 
under that decision, moving in the direction ex- 
actly opposite to that of Germany and the other 
most enlightened industrial nations. They have, 
for a quarter century, been striving to stimulate 
employers to make industry safe by increasingly 
placing upon them the cost of the death or dis- 



Modern Industry and Health 65 

ability of a wage earner. The employers, under 
this compulsion, form mutual insurance compan- 
ies and distribute over the whole industry, as they 
see fit, the damage cost arising from deaths and 
injuries. Such insurance affords the maximum 
financial stimulus for employers to make industry 
safe. The Pennsylvania decision worked for 
years in exactly the opposite way. 

Among several states which are now legislating 
with intent to make industry safe, perhaps the 
most striking experiment is that of Washington. 
The statute provides that if, in any occupation, 
an employe loses his life or becomes permanently 
disabled, his dependents have a valid, legal claim 
upon that industry the wife throughout widow- 
hood, the children until the 16th birthday. 

This statute has been unanimously sustained by 
the Supreme Court of Washington, and is pending 
before the Supreme Court of the United States, in 
a case to test its constitutionality. There was in 
the state one extra hazardous industry, the manu- 
facture of explosives. Only two establishments 
were engaged in it. One blew up, killing eight 
employes. The State of Washington paid the 
damages due, under the statute, to the survivors 
and to the dependents of the dead, and sent the 
bill to the company and its competitor. The com- 
petitor is testing the constitutionality of the law. 



66 Modern Industry and Health 

No other state seems to have gone quite so far 
as Washington in its effort to make it worth while 
for the extra hazardous industries to reduce their 
hazards. The decision of the Supreme Court of 
the United States will, therefore, be of epoch mak- 
ing importance. 

Between the extremes of policy adopted by 
Washington on the one hand, and the courts of 
Pennsylvania on the other (whose decisions have, 
for years, deprived thousands of working people 
of compensation for injuries) experiments in great 
variety are in process, all directed toward assur- 
ing to wage workers and their families some com- 
pensation, and to employers new stimulus for 
making industry safe. 

Any constitution can, with the expenditure of 
time and trouble, be brought into line with civi- 
lization.* Laws must ultimately be enacted in 
every state, assuring to the survivors of men 
killed at work some payment of damages, and to 
workers hurt but not killed some reasonable com- 
pensation for the loss of health, or limbs, or earn- 
ing power. In not one state has this yet been 
done effectively. 

If the Supreme Court of the United States fol- 

*This has been conclusively shown by the action of the 
voters of New York State during the past three years in 
relation to workmen's compensation. 



Modern Industry and Health 67 

lows the reasoning of the Court of Washington, 
the slow process of changing constitutions and 
statutes of other states will be relatively easy. If, 
however, the Supreme Court of the United States 
should follow the reasoning of the New York 
Court of Appeals in the Ives case, we shall be con- 
fronted by the painful and weary task of amend- 
ing the Constitution of the United States. The 
recent adoption of two amendments, the first in 
nearly fifty years, shows that this process, though 
slow and discouraging, is no longer impossible. 

Factory Inspection 

One serious weakness in our dealing with in- 
dustry in relation to health, safety and comfort 
lies in our disregard of the factory inspection staff. 
In Germany, where accidents and bad health 
among employes are causes of direct expense to 
employers, the aid and advice of inspectors are 
sought for keeping factories safe and wholesome. 
Inspectors are technically trained men and wom- 
en, carefully fitted for their work and of great im- 
portance to both employers and employes. Their 
visits are, therefore, welcomed by both. 

In this country, on the contrary, inspectors are 
selected in consideration of their usefulness to a 
party organization, or a trade union, rather than 
their technical qualifications for their task. In 



68 Modern Industry and Health 

the greatest industrial state, New York, where the 
inspection staff has the nominal protection of the 
civil service law, the State Civil Service Commis- 
sion has, for many years, been as actively in poli- 
tics as any avowedly political part of the state 
government. This is utterly demoralizing to the 
inspection staff and the employers, and defeats the 
purpose for which the inspectors exist. 

Twenty years ago, I cherished hopes of im- 
proved provisions for the health of factory work- 
ers to come through the employment of women 
as inspectors. Experience has shown that there 
is a large field in which they can be of great ser- 
vice. But neither men nor women can do what 
needs to be done until our whole attitude toward 
the task is fundamentally changed. At present, 
the employes are so hopeless of benefits to be de- 
rived from the visits of inspectors, that they are 
commonly either wholly indifferent or, sometimes, 
willing cynically to join with foreman or superin- 
tendent in tricking an inspector and concealing 
violations of the law. 

A black chapter in our industrial history is this 
of our treatment of our factory inspectors. They 
have been left in the position of hostile critics 
prosecutors of corporations infinitely more pow- 
erful than themselves. Within the factory they 
have been met as enemies, bribed when possible 



Modern Industry and Health 69 

and, in shamefully numerous cases, removed from 
office when they could be neither bribed, tricked 
nor intimidated. 

Under these sorry conditions the scientific out- 
put of these officials is naturally valueless. In- 
deed, with the honorable exception of the New 
York State reports standardized a few years ago 
by Commissioner Sherman, the official reports on 
factory inspection only deepen the darkness of our 
ignorance of the relation of the different branches 
of industry to the health of the workers or the 
consumers. 

Fatigue and Disease 

During the past three-quarters of a century 
there has been a continuous movement for a 
shorter working day. When, in 1830, my father 
was a printer's apprentice in Philadelphia, he and 
his fellow apprentices regularly expected to work 
in summer "from light until dark," i. e. from the 
moment they could see after dawn, until they 
could no longer see in the late dusk of the summer 
evening. In winter they worked from 6 a. m. to 
8 p. m. with an hour for dinner, and a half hour 
each for breakfast and supper. 

During the three-quarters of a century since 
those days, hundreds of thousands of men and 
women have engaged in strikes in the hope of es- 



70 Modern Industry and Health 

tablishing permanently a shorter working day. 
In so doing, they were performing, at a terrible 
cost to themselves, an invaluable service in behalf 
of the public health of this nation. But this fact 
was not recognized until within recent years, and 
then only incidentally. Even now it appears 
probable that far more would have been gained, 
and at infinitely less cost in suffering, if the energy 
spent in strikes for shorter working hours had all 
been directed to enacting and enforcing statutes. 
Since 1895, the Supreme Court of the United 
States has, at different times and in connection 
with several cases, laid down the principle that 
the welfare of the community requires some rea- 
sonable restriction upon the working hours of 
adult men and women. The Court decided in 
1898,* that the working day might reasonably be 
limited to eight hours for men working under- 
ground in mines and smelters. This could be done 
because mining was an intrinsically dangerous oc- 
cupation. Later, the Court held f that the work- 
ing hours of bakers could not be limited by statute 
to ten in twenty-four. For if baking had been an 
intrinsically dangerous occupation, the women 
who have, since the foundation of the Republic, 
baked bread for their families, must have suffered 

* Holden vs. Hardy, 169 U. S. 366. 

t Lochner vs. New York, 198 U. S. 45, 1905. 



Modern Industry and Health 71 

in health. The Court was not acquainted with 
the trade life of bakers. It did not know that, in 
American cities, thousands of bakers work under- 
ground, almost like miners. 

In this decision the Court laid down the prin- 
ciple that, where a statute interferes with the free- 
dom of contract of adults, professedly in the in- 
terest of the public health and welfare, the fact 
must be made clear to the Court that the public 
health is really concerned. 

In this decision began the recent era of sus- 
tained, continuing effort for a working day lim- 
ited by statute for men and women in manufac- 
ture. Upon this decision rests the procedure of 
the National Consumers' League whose Commit- 
tee on the Legal Defence of Labor Laws has since 
1907 continuously prepared briefs for the use of 
the courts in cases involving working hours.* 

In the preparation of these briefs the fact has 
been discovered and popularized that, of all the 
industrial causes of disease, none is so universal 

* Fatigue and Efficiency, by Josephine Goldmark. The 
Russell Sage Foundation, 1912. This fundamental work deal- 
ing with the relation of fatigue to disease grew out of a 
brief prepared by Miss Goldmark in defence of the Oregon 
ten hours' law for women employed in manufacture. The 
brief formed the basis of the favorable decision handed 
down in January, 1908, by the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 



72 Modern Industry and Health 

as fatigue. Of all the poisons, it is the most uni- 
versally diffused, controllable but not to-day con- 
trolled. Sinister as many industrial poisons are 
now known to be, this one alone invests with a 
deadly threat the common run of ordinary occu- 
pations. This gives new significance to the com- 
plaint that working people are worn out prema- 
turely by simple tasks, if these tasks involve mo- 
notony or speeding. 

We know now for the first time, in a form clear 
not only to learned courts, but to the simplest 
machine tenders, why these are often old at thirty, 
and superannuated at forty years. The omni- 
present poison of fatigue prepares the frames for 
every germ that lurks. 

This consideration it is which led the Supreme 
Court of Mississippi to speak recently of the "in- 
alienable right to rest," in a decision sustaining as 
constitutional a statute limiting to ten hours the 
working day of men and women in cotton mills. 

The whole procedure in defence of labor laws 
has thus been revolutionized. Instead of abstract 
discussions of abstract freedom, the procedure is, 
to-day, to ascertain the exact facts, to show what 
the existing working hours are, what other nations 
and states have done about it, and what the medi- 
cal profession says on the subject. The final de- 
ciding factor is. not "freedom" but health. 



Modern Industry and Health 73 

The International Conference for Labor Legis- 
lation at Berne, Switzerland, in September, 1913, 
had for its principal subjects two proposals deal- 
ing with working hours. One was the introduction 
of the ten hours days for women in manufacture in 
all the fourteen nations of Europe, by a treaty 
like that which took effect on New Year's Day, 
1910, and assured to all women so employed a 
period of 11 hours' rest at night, of which seven 
hours must fall between 10 p. m. and 5 a. m. 

The second proposal was to extend to boys be- 
low the age of 16 years the same period of rest at 
night which has already been established for 
women. 

The ambassadors of the fourteen European na- 
tions are to meet in Berne, Switzerland, in 1914, 
to take action upon these two proposals. 

We cannot participate in this treaty procedure 
because each of our states is too sovereign to be 
bound as to its industrial legislation by an inter- 
national treaty. Yet no state is sovereign enough 
to bind itself. The action of the European nations 
in this field is, nevertheless, of immeasurable im- 
portance to us. For what seems to them so ur- 
gently needful for the health of the working class 
of all European nations, that they deal with it in 
this elaborate and comprehensive manner, seems 
in consequence to the Supreme Court of the 



74 Modern Industry and Health 

United States to be reasonable when the individ- 
ual American states enact similar measures. And 
the Court inclines, therefore, to sustain these 
measures as constitutional. 

At present, only six of our states have estab- 
lished a closing hour at night for the work of 
women: Massachusetts, New York, Pennsyl- 
vania, Connecticut, Indiana and Nebraska. 
Among these six are, however, the four in which 
the largest number of women are employed in 
manufacture. 

Four other states Arizona, California, Colo- 
rado and Washington have established the eight 
hours day for women and girls, and Oregon has 
now a working day of eight hours and twenty min- 
utes, and a working week of 50 hours for women 
of all ages. 

In February, 1914, President Wilson signed a 
bill limiting to eight hours in one day the work 
of women in industry in the District of Columbia. 
This applies to virtually all occupations except 
domestic service, nursing the sick, and office work. 
The bill was introduced at the request of the Na- 
tional Consumers' League and is the first eight 
hours law for women in the East. 



Modern Industry and Health 75 

Industry, Health and Vice 

While we thus struggle by petty retail measures 
against disease, industry produces it by wholesale. 
If in reply to this it is objected that much illness 
is due not to work but to personal vices, the use of 
alcohol and others, the answer is that these, too, 
are cultivated as a part of the field of industry. 
The wholesale and retail organization of the al- 
cohol industry has recently forced itself anew upon 
the attention of the nation by its successful re- 
sistance to the enfranchisement of women in Wis- 
consin, Michigan and Ohio. In all three states 
there was a well-organized and largely financed 
campaign of producers and distributors of alco- 
holic beverages to defeat the suffrage amend- 
ments. 

The international organization of the white 
slave traffic is no longer a subject of dispute. Our 
own government and the governments of Euro- 
pean nations are legislating with regard to it. 

From these two important disease producing 
agencies men can free themselves by their own 
choice. But inescapable accompaniments of in- 
dustry, perennially producing disease for hun- 
dreds of thousands of wage-earners, are fatigue, 
worry and an insufficient livelihood. Against 
these the individual is largely powerless. 



76 Modern Industry and Health 

In April, 1913, the most terrible of all the rela- 
tions of industry to disease entered upon a unique 
process of hopeful change. Through the efforts 
of the voting women of San Francisco, incited 
originally by an obscure woman worker in the 
needle trades, Judge Charles Weller was recalled 
from the Bench. This judge had degraded his 
high office by systematically protecting men who 
enticed young girls from honest work into the 
fields of dishonor. He had reduced the bail of a 
man under trial charged with being a white slaver. 
He had protected that incredible American in- 
dustry the white slave traffic. 

The new voters of San Francisco enlisted 
enough righteous men to form, with them, a safe- 
guard for wage-earning girls against the most ter- 
rible form of exploitation. In doing this they 
went straight to the root of the most threatening 
of social diseases, the plague that lurks in unde- 
fended girlhood under pressure of underpaid in- 
dustry. This incident heralds, I believe, a signifi- 
cant approaching change in the relation of in- 
dustry to health. 



Ill 



MODERN INDUSTRY IN RELATION TO 
EDUCATION 



MODERN INDUSTRY AND EDUCATION 

We have no national ideal of education, inher- 
ited, traditional, corresponding to our ideal of the 
family. Even the little red school house, with the 
three R's, meagre symbol of a scant ideal, was 
never national. It was Northern and Western, 
as the log school house belonged to the pioneers. 
The neighborhood school house with a seat for 
every child, is, in hundreds of counties in the 
South, still a dream of the future. 

We are committed to universal, free, compul- 
sory education of all citizens as the logical corol- 
lary of universal suffrage. But the Census of 1910 
reveals the fact that we have more than a million 
and a half native whites, ten years old and older, 
who are unable to read and write, three per cent, 
of their number.* Clearly, therefore, we are not 
at present approaching even the minimum educa- 
tional achievement demanded of a democratic in- 
dustrial Republic as the condition of its con- 
tinued existence. 

* 1,535,530 persons, 10 years of age and over, of whom 
obviously some small per cent, must be presumed to be 
mentally deficient. 

79 



80 Modern Industry and Education 

Our ideal of education differs from our ideal of 
the family in that it is not inherited, but essen- 
tially modern. It differs, also, in that we are not 
falling away from it, as we have fallen away, under 
the pressure of modern industry, from our ideal 
of the family, but are approaching it, however 
slowly. 

Throughout this lecture I assume that educa- 
tion is a lifelong process of fitting human beings 
for life in Society, for self-support, for sharing in 
the conduct of industry, for parenthood, for the 
fullest responsibility of citizenship, for all noble 
enjoyment. 

For education in this modern, comprehensive 
interpretation, industry affords a financial basis 
and equipment more generous than the human 
race ever before possessed. Lavishly abundant 
resources exist for placing instruction at the com- 
mand of all men, women and children in the Re- 
public. Never was a nation so rich as we are. 

The universities number their students by 
thousands, the elementary schools count their 
pupils by millions. Yet we are confronted by 
chronic, wholesale poverty, inextricably associated 
with gross ignorance. This holds true among na- 
tive Americans of English stock, in the Southern 
states, as it does among immigrants in the North- 
ern industrial states. The question thus arises 



Modern Industry and Education 81 

whether poverty and ignorance, in combination, 
may not be a by-product of modern industry. 

When I was in college, students in this country 
were quite without knowledge of the essential 
nature of modern industry. At Cornell, where I 
was a student in 1876, we were taught no eco- 
nomics worthy of the name. At the University of 
Pennsylvania my brother learned that the point 
of greatest importance in relation to industry was 
to understand the theory of a beneficent protec- 
tive tariff. At Yale our contemporaries were 
taught by Professor Sumner the supreme advan- 
tage of free trade. Later, however, Professor Sum- 
ner was the first to awaken in our minds a glim- 
mering consciousness of a permanent wage-earn- 
ing class in this country by his little volume en- 
titled "What Social Classes Owe to Each Other." 
Even the courageous pioneer work of Professor 
Richard T. Ely, at Johns Hopkins, which he has 
since carried forward there and at the University 
of Wisconsin, had not then begun. The American 
faculties of those days cannot be justly blamed 
for not giving us what they did not possess. Few 
American teachers of economics and sociology 
then read French and German. Fewer still had, 
like Professor Ely, studied in Europe. 

The Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 
Sheffield, Cornell and Lawrence were new, or still 



82 Modern Industry and Education 

in prospect. Training men to apply science in the 
service of industry was still experimental in the 
field of higher education, and social science had 
hardly crossed the Atlantic. The American Social 
Science Association was not yet a dozen years old. 

Then began that application of science in the 
service of industry which has increasingly ab- 
sorbed our intellectual ability, and largely de- 
flected it from the task of widening the boundaries 
of knowledge. 

The men whose minds were trained (or left un- 
trained) by the Faculties of those days are the 
Bench and the Bar, the captains of industry, the 
Senators and the Faculties of to-day. Men of my 
generation, and older men, have hitherto decided 
all things relating to industry and to education, 
and they are not yet relinquishing that task to 
their successors. Upon them rests the full respon- 
sibility for the anarchical form of industry in the 
United States in contrast with the beginnings of 
industrial order visible in some of the European 
countries. When, in 1883, I was a student of the 
Faculty of Law in Zurich, professors in Switzer- 
land and Germany were already lecturing on new 
aspects of industry in courses leading to the de- 
gree of Doctor of Laws. In the University of 
Berlin the same thing was happening. Avowedly 
impelled by the hope of checking the revolution- 



Modern Industry and Education 83 

ary political activity of a rapidly growing party 
of wage-earners, Prince Bismarck was calling upon 
the universities to apply to industrial problems 
the collective wisdom of the leaders of German 
economic thought; and under his leadership the 
foundations were laid for that nationwide, in- 
clusive, industrial insurance which the world is 
now slowly copying. 

In my student days we heard much, not only at 
Cornell, but in the world at large, of the Conflict 
of Science and Religion. The President of Cornell 
published volumes on this general theme. But 
industry, and the laws and courts which bul- 
warked it, were sacrosanct. They were the Tem- 
ple and the Ark of the Covenant, and critical 
study of them would have been blasphemy if any- 
one had thought of attempting it. 

There could not have been a graver misfortune 
for a great nation in the stage of industrial devel- 
opment in which we then were, than such incom- 
petence in relation to industry as disgraced our 
American colleges and universities. The wage- 
earners have ever since been tragically paying the 
penalty of that default of the higher education, 
and they must continue to pay until the men of 
my generation now in control of industry, and of 
interpreting and enforcing the law in relation to 
it, shall give way to the new generation. Criti- 



84 Modern Industry and Education 

cism, however constructive and suggestive, cannot 
help people who are fifty years old and older to 
acquire social and industrial vision. The time for 
that vision is youth. Only the new generation 
can retrieve our sins of omission and commission, 
and this they are preparing to do. 

Within the academic halls the change amounts 
to a revolution. Classes in economics and sociol- 
ogy now vie in numbers and popularity with 
classes in literature. In their brief, sacrificial ca- 
reers Elizabeth Butler, of Columbia, and Carola 
Woerishoffer, of Bryn Mawr, heralded the new day 
that has come, the new challenge that science of- 
fers to industry. This old world can never again 
be quite so sodden when thousands of young men 
and women are sent forth every year trained to 
face the world and to strive all their lives to see 
it exactly as it is. 

To these successors we must look for a revolu- 
tion in education in relation to industry. To 
them it will not present itself as a revolution, but 
as a natural next step, when they bring into the 
foreground of education the teaching of hygiene 
as applied to every relation of life. For men and 
women accustomed throughout the high schools, 
colleges and universities to athletics, to the out- 
door life, to physical efficiency, it must seem in- 
sanely perverse that we reserve outdoor classes for 



Modern Industry and Education 85 

the children of less and least vitality. For the 
new generation of educational leaders health will 
inevitably be the first consideration, in school and 
in industry. To the new generation we must look, 
therefore, for the new science that we lack indus- 
trial hygiene and the new pedagogy that will 
send forth young workers into industry aware of 
the provisions which the state enacts for their 
protection, and alert to avail themselves of the 
benefits thereof. 

One glaring fact confronts the graduates of to- 
day, namely, the dominant influence of industry 
in determining the ideals and the administrative 
policy of our privately endowed universities, col- 
leges and schools, and in modifying the state uni- 
versities and the public schools. When the gradu- 
ates leave the universities it is to enter a world in 
which industry calls a million children a year too 
early away from the elementary classrooms ir*o 
its service. It thus creates as its permanent by- 
product within the voting citizenship illiteracy 
and stupidity, and broken health bred of monoto- 
nous labor. 

Enlightening the Consumers 

Wholly new within the educational institutions 
and in the world at large is the attempt to educate 
the consumers to know and use their power in 



86 Modern Industry and Education 

relation to industry. To-day, more than ever be- 
fore, the enlightened consumer can truthfully say: 

"When I depart this life, I shall have prac- 
tised certain negative virtues. I shall have done 
nothing to maintain or encourage certain 
evil industries. No young girl will have been 
withdrawn from any class in domestic science 
to prepare for my use any cigars, cigarettes, 
chewing gum or tobacco, or rouge, or hair- 
dye, or imitation jewelry. No birds will have 
been killed to decorate my hats, no children 
kept at home from kindergarten or primary 
school, or robbed of their hours, of play to 
'willow' plumes for my headgear. In these 
modest abstinences I have striven to keep my 
individual conscience clear in relation to in- 
dustry because I, personally, received some 
education as to the powers of consumers." 

Every generous young mind can be kindled to a 
passionate interest in the relation of working chil- 
dren to itself and its material possessions. And 
this youthful interest may determine the later 
activities of a lifetime, as Lord Shaftesbury re- 
lated that, when he was a lad of fourteen years, 
the sight of a pauper workingman's funeral modi- 
fied the whole subsequent course of his life. 

How few, however, compared with the whole 
mass, are the enlightened consumers! How diffi- 
cult is their path, and how incomplete their pres- 
ent achievement! Why, indeed, is education of 



Modern Industry and Education 87 

consumers left to a volunteer body, such as the 
Consumers' League? 

What help do the rank and file of students in 
colleges and normal schools get from their Fac- 
ulties in acquiring this elementary social instruc- 
tion? Why do not all the colleges inculcate a 
scientific attitude of mind with regard to industry, 
awakening the spirit of inquiry, and teaching the 
available methods of applying this spirit? The 
colleges have long prepared students for the ser- 
vice of industry. When will they give a like share 
of attention to the mastery thereof? 

A while ago I spoke to the students in a South- 
ern girls' college. They were so young 13 to 19 
years or thereabouts that I asked a member of 
their Faculty to tell me some of their interests, so 
that I might connect my suggestions with those 
interests, as we do with children. She replied, 
"They don't know anything about anything. They 
would gladly take an interest, but the President 
and their mothers don't think they ought to know 
much about life." Yet many avenues of approach 
offered access to those young minds. They were 
alive to the usefulness of placing early their 
Christmas orders for candy and chocolates. They 
responded to an appeal in behalf of overworked 
young girls in paper-box factories who prepare, 
at the last moment, boxes for Christmas choco- 



88 Modern Industry and Education 

lates and candies, under pressure of "rush orders" 
of belated shoppers. They saw that daguerreo- 
types are no longer made because we all prefer 
photographs, and horsehair sofas are extinct be- 
cause no one would give them houseroom. And 
they followed the analogy that goods may be 
coveted because their history has been righteous 
throughout the processes of production and dis- 
tribution. They grasped the suggestion that 
everything made to-day is made to be sold, that 
the purchaser is the true Lord of Industry, and 
that we, all of us, are purchasers. They agreed 
that there is no longer any innocent bystander. 

Even more necessary is such enlightenment in 
high schools and elementary schools. In certain 
practical ways it can be begun very early. Thus 
the Paulist Fathers in New York City have, for 
years, through their Sunday School, appealed to 
children, even little ones, and their mothers, to 
be considerate about Christmas shopping. And 
nuns of teaching orders, during one of their sum- 
mer schools on the Pacific Coast, listened re- 
ceptively to an officer of the Consumers' League 
explaining to them the possibility of similar sug- 
gestions to their pupils. 

The children in grammar grades, and still more 
those in high schools, are keenly alert to sugges- 
tions of the power we all potentially possess as 



Modern Industry and Education 89 

consumers. Their interest in regard to things that 
they buy is of the liveliest. They are in nowise 
blase. Beginning with their hair ribbons, tracing 
them back to the silk mills in New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, school girls care eagerly to know 
why, in silk ribbon mills, wages are low, and work- 
rooms hot and stuffy, and how it comes that quick, 
capable girls, hardly older than themselves, must 
serve as pacemakers for slower and less gifted 
workers. 

Any restless school boy, at the hobbledehoy age, 
will listen to the story of the "grinders' phthisis" 
that cuts down in their prime men who prepare 
blades for pocket-knives; to a description of need- 
less danger to other boys arising from unguarded 
machines in pencil factories, and of the small pay 
that goes with putting rubbers in pencils. Tales 
of mine and breaker boys and young lads working 
at night in glass works in West Virginia find a 
responsive chord in the breasts of school boys, 
who readily see that none of us escape using coal 
and glass. They, too, perceive that there are, in 
this case, no innocent bystanders, that we are all 
tarred with the same stick. 

Working-class children during their few brief 
years in the elementary schools need the appeal 
to sympathetic imagination the more because of 
the dulling experience that befalls them in the 



90 Modern Industry and Education 

. long years of work that follow. Their direst need 
is for cultivation of their critical sense in relation 
to industry. 

Refreshing is the alert response of young minds 
stirred by the idea of their relation, previously an 
unconscious one, as indirect employers. Curi- 
ously varied is the expression of the faces of a 
high school class when asked how they account 
for the fact, by no means inevitable, that other 
children of their own age are less educated than 
themselves? They are visibly shocked by a blunt 
statement that the present difference in oppor- 
tunity is due not to their own superior gifts, or 
to the superior thrift or generosity, necessarily, of 
their parents, but to the defective organization of 
education and of industry. To most young minds 
the idea is fascinatingly new that the transforma- 
tion of industry is to-day the life and death ques- 
tion of this Republic. 

This new education of youth the Nation sorely 
needs. We must establish in all the oncoming 
generation an unwearying spirit of inquiry with 
regard to industry. Nothing can safely be as- 
sumed in relation to it. Is it paying its social 
costs? Is its product, indeed, value received? 
Does it bring forth beauty? Or does it give us 
personal adornment at cost of smoke-laden, filthy 
sky and air? 



Modern Industry and Education 91 

Child Labor 

Far, however, from educating the children of 
wage-earners to intelligent criticism as consumers, 
the schools surrender them too early to the ser- 
vice of industry, and tend increasingly to rob the 
few years now sacred to childhood by making the 
schools' work vocational and industrial*/ The new 
vocational effort largely addresses itself to fitting 
American youth to escape from machine tending 
to become foremen, managers, superintendents. 
But in the nature of industry the opportunities 
for such work are a trivial fraction of the whole. 
Vast multitudes must be machine tenders, and 
machines increase daily, and under the present 
conditions machines destroy mind. 

For more than a century philanthropists have 
struggled in England and, more recently, in this 
country, to safeguard children of wage earners 
from destruction by industry. The National Child 
Labor Committee, the National Consumers' 
League, the National Education Association, and 
other national bodies galore have for years worked 
to assure educational opportunity to all the chil- 
dren. They strive to establish minimum standards 
below which the school year may not be shortened, 
children may not leave school unable to read and 



92 Modern Industry and Education 

write, and industrial employment may be for- 
bidden. 

Always and everywhere they find the same 
forces opposing them. Rural industries claim 
children for the beet fields, the cotton and to- 
bacco fields, the bean and pea fields, the berry 
patches, the cranberry bogs, the canneries, and 
the orchards. Coal mines consume boys in break- 
ers and underground. Urban industries, too, cot- 
ton and woollen and silk mills, glass works, sweat- 
shops, the messenger service, and the newspapers, 
all industries the world over in which children 
can be employed, are forever calling them from 
school to work. 

Only the men and women who are engaged in 
the struggle year after year know how powerful 
and how active are the interests that profit by the 
labor of children. In four Southern states the 
Carolinas, Georgia and Alabama the cotton 
mill interest has hitherto succeeded in pre- 
venting the adoption of the fourteenth birthday 
as the lowest limit for children beginning to work. 
In West Virginia the glass companies and the mine 
owners killed all child labor legislation at the ses- 
sion of 1913. In Pennsylvania in the same year 
the glass companies and the textile manufacturers 
successfully made common cause against the 
working children, killed the child labor bill, and 



Modern Industry and Education 93 

kept in force the old law. Under it boys of four- 
teen years may still be legally required to work 
eight hours at night in glassworks and all other 
industries having continuing processes. 

Children have a statutory limit of their work- 
ing day to eight hours in twenty-four in only one 
Southern state, Mississippi, and in only one New 
England state, Massachusetts. Forty states now 
forbid employment of children before the four- 
teenth birthday. Only the Southern cotton manu- 
facturing states show no disposition thus to pro- 
tect their young boys and girls and give them 
time for a rudimentary education. Of children 
who work on these terms, what cant it is to say 
that they have "a square deal," or "an equal op- 
portunity" with children of the socialized North- 
western states, with their long childhood safe- 
guarded from wage-earning, with abundant 
schools, and free university tuition to tempt them 
to continue the process of education! 

For the unfortunate children, twelve and thir- 
teen years old, of the belated Southern cotton 
manufacturing states, the federal bill pending be- 
fore Congress seems to offer new hope. It rein- 
troduces the idea of federal action in defence of 
boys and girls now legally employed below the age 
of fourteen years in mills and mines. It proposes 
to exclude from interstate commerce all goods 



94 Modern Industry and Education 

derived from mills or mines in which children be- 
low the age of fourteen years are employed. 

The federal bill thus brings into sharp relief 
the fact that native white orphans, of native par- 
entage, in Georgia are future citizens of this Re- 
public as surely as the happier immigrant chil- 
dren of New York, or the native children of the 
enlightened and humane Northwestern states. As 
future citizens, the children of the South need 
fourteen years, at least, of childhood in which to 
grow and learn. And the bill appeals to the whole 
nation to see that this claim is enforced, this right 
is guaranteed to them. 

The Working Class Children 

Modern industry tends to keep the wage-earn- 
ers spiritually poor and dull. Of all the charges 
made against it to-day this is the gravest. The 
ultimate blasphemy is the proposal to fit children 
for industry as industry is. It must be revolu- 
tionized before it will be fit for children and youth 
to enter. It must first be made democratic and 
cooperative, transformed into service. 

The need of to-day is for education to enable 
children and youth, and men and women, to re- 
sist the ruinous, stupefying influence of industry. 
To make this resistance successful, the schools 
must keep the whole body of young workers on 



Modern Industry and Education 95 

their rolls at least for regular part time attend- 
ance, until the twenty-first birthday, until the edu- 
cation for citizenship ends, and education by and 
through the duties of citizenship begins. 

One short step in this direction has been taken 
in Wisconsin and in Ohio, where the working 
week of children below the 16th birthday is re- 
duced to 48 hours, of which five must be spent in 
continuous classes. Enlightened teachers of these 
classes strive to rekindle in working boys and girls, 
from week to week, the intellectual life which in- 
dustry tends to extinguish by dulling monotonous 
work. This is one line of hopeful effort in a direc- 
tion immeasurably important, for in a Republic 
on pain of utter failure the common laborers must 
be educated citizens. Massachusetts has for many 
years recognized this, at least in a modest degree, 
in the statute which holds the employer responsi- 
ble for regular school attendance of all illiterate 
minor employes. 

In speaking to teachers about vocational train- 
ing, my one appeal to them is to fit every child to 
resist the pressure of industry, to inculcate in all 
children the ambition to become cooperative citi- 
zens, keeping themselves in health, practising the 
art of thinking. Above all else is the need to cher- 
ish their critical faculty, to train them to resist 
monotony, and to organize their own activities 



96 Modern Industry and Education 

for themselves, so that they may combat suc- 
cessfully the deadliest foe of this Republic, the 
lowering of the citizenship by industry. How else 
can the wage workers regain their lost share of 
control and develop anew the sense of civic and in- 
dustrial responsibility? 

Far from equipping children to maintain them- 
selves against its injurious tendencies, our ele- 
mentary schools tend rather to serve as feeders 
for industry. Domestic science begins commonly 
in the sixth or seventh grade, if at all, while 
daughters of working families leave by thousands 
from the fifth to enter upon industrial life. When 
a little immigrant girl fresh from the steerage en- 
ters school in the foreign colony of a manufactur- 
ing city, she makes on the first day the acquaint- 
ance of Teacher, who is thenceforth her ideal lady. 
Teacher is usually young, friendly, dressed in 
shirtwaist, necktie, trig skirt, belt, and shoes with 
heels. She catches the little girl's imagination, 
and a process of imitation begins which lasts at 
least until the child's 14th birthday. But through- 
out all that time, never once does Teacher do any- 
thing which Mother is seen to do at home. If the 
windows are ever washed, it is by the janitor or 
his assistant, and usually out of school hours. If 
the floor is scrubbed, the process is unseen. Wash- 
ing day is unknown within the classroom, and 



Modern Industry and Education 97 

babies are alien to the activities of Teacher. Not 
so much as a cup of cocoa or a slice of toast is 
she seen to prepare by any girl who leaves from 
the "working paper grades." 

By their one-sided curriculum, the schools may 
truthfully be said actively to divert the little 
daughters of wage-earning families from home life 
to becoming cash girls and factory hands. For the 
schools teach exactly those things which prepare 
girls to become at the earliest moment cash chil- 
dren and machine tenders: punctuality, regular- 
ity, attention, obedience, and a little reading and 
writing excellent things in themselves, but 
wretched preparation either for domestic service 
as an alternative choice of occupations, or for 
homemaking a decade later on in the lives of the 
pupils. 

With our material supplies in lavish abundance 
for the full and generous education of every man, 
woman and child throughout this whole country, 
our trouble is our own lack of vision, in city, state 
and nation. 

Teaching is already a public service, although 
the ethics of Boards of Education are still largely 
commercial, because these Boards are chiefly com- 
posed of business men, with an occasional physi- 
cian whose ideals vary but slightly from theirs. 
The teaching staff itself, being in contact with 



98 Modern Industry and Education 

the children, is increasingly socially minded. But 
the teaching staff, also, is vitiated by sordid ideals 
derived from its competitive environment. It, 
too, suffers the taint of modern industry. 

Where the National Child Labor Committee, 
when it entered the field ten years ago, reasona- 
bly expected to find its strongest allies, among 
principals and teachers, it has found, in a disap- 
pointing number of individual cases, an unthink- 
ing willingness to surrender children under pre- 
text of their poverty to the greedy hunger of 
mills, mines, sweatshops, cotton fields, and the 
city street trades. Many children leave school by 
reason of the perverse suggestions of their teach- 
ers. 

Not from the teaching staff has come the in- 
sistent demand for scholarships to keep all the 
children in school at least to the 16th birthday. 

Surely our grandchildren will look back with 
wonder that we, who waste money hi war and 
preparations for war, leave 80,000 children perma- 
nently in half-time classes for want of school room 
in the greatest industrial city in this hemisphere, 
and issue in New York City in one year 42,000 
working papers to children below the age of 16 
years. The records of illiterate children ten to 
fourteen years old form a part of every decennial 
federal Census, chiefly of native children of native 



Modern Industry and Education 99 

parents, in the Southern states. We let boys and 
girls go into monotonous occupations at fourteen 
years old or earlier, before their judgment has had 
time to develop. Yet industry holds out to the 
rank and file of those who leave from the fifth 
and sixth grades the educational steerage little 
hope of orderly promotion such as they have ex- 
perienced in school, and slight promise of later 
variety of employment, or material increase in 
wages. 

All this with no resounding protest from the 
teaching staff! Small wonder that the children 
lack the instruction adapted to prepare them for 
the change from our industrial chaos to the or- 
derly industrial service of the future! 

Unacquainted with industry and out of touch 
with it, untrained in the principles and practice 
of cooperation, disfranchised and thus deprived of 
the education derived from active citizenship, the 
teachers of our schools are, in most of the states, 
failing the children to-day, as the universities and 
colleges failed their students in the Nineteenth 
Century. They are not educating the masses of 
children to be masters of industry. On the con- 
trary, they are participating at least to the ex- 
tent of passive acquiescence in the evil process of 
making them slaves of machines. 

What sixth grade class in this whole nation 



100 Modern Industry and Education 

sends out its pupils fortified with full knowledge 
of the meagre laws framed for their protection? 
What children are taught in school that they can- 
not before the 16th birthday legally work in New 
York after five o'clock in a factory, and after seven 
in a store? How many know that they are enti- 
tled to seats with backs and to the use thereof 
whenever the nature of their work permits such 
use? Is there anything that they more urgently 
need to know than these eminently practical 
items? But how many teachers know even these 
few things about industry as it is to-day? And 
how can they teach what they do not know? 

How many normal schools require their gradu- 
ating classes to pass an examination in the pro- 
visions of the compulsory education law, and the 
labor law applying to children and adolescents? 
But without this knowledge, how can the gradu- 
ates, when they find positions, be sure of obeying 
the statutes themselves? And how can they in- 
struct their "working paper classes" and other 
appropriate grades as to the protection which the 
law provides and the children are entitled to claim 
in factories, stores and workshops? 

Machine Tenders 

Modern industry calls increasingly for common 
labor not only to dig with pick and shovel, but to 



Modern Industry and Bu-aVion ID! 

do a thousand simplified thmg3 for which: jjfetffifj 
hands, fourteen to sixteen years old, being obtain- 
able for low wages, are commercially preferred to 
the hands of older persons. Requiring attention, 
speed and some slight dexterity but no other qual- 
ity, such work deadens young minds. Machine 
tending habituates them to irresponsibility and 
monotony, to the utter absence of thought, of in- 
ventiveness, of judgment, of ambition. Men and 
women who have spent these plastic years in this 
way are worse human beings, not better ones, for 
their contact with industry. 

Obviously machine tending fits no girl for 
bringing up children in a home of her own later 
on, or for taking any part whatever in domestic 
life. The special skill that she needs as future 
wife and mother is skill in the art of living. Pro- 
longed machine tending prepares no boy for pro- 
motion to the post of foreman or superintendent. 
On the contrary, the longer a boy tends a machine, 
the less is he likely to develop qualities fitting 
him for managing men or affairs. In the words 
of Joseph Lee, of Boston, president of the Na- 
tional Playgrounds Association of America, such 
employment dzseducates growing minds. 

Work must be done, however. Obviously, it 
must not be done by young children, or in large 
measure by adolescents. Who shall do it in order 



102 Modern Industry and Education 



at. the .least injury .may be wrought? What does 
machine tending do to older minds? Many years 
ago when I was chief factory inspector of the State 
of Illinois, I found, in a tin can factory, a shelf 
filled with young boys whose duty was to watch 
unceasingly a never-ending procession of lids of 
tomato cans, milk cans, soup cans, cans for all sorts 
of goods, as these lids came down a slit in an in- 
cline from the upper to the lower floor. When a 
can lid was defective, a boy picked it out. Small 
fingers were cut and tied up in rags. Young legs 
and backs were made crooked, young eyes were 
strained by continuous watching. The work was 
legal, once the boys were 14 years old and had 
filed employment certificates at the factory office ; 
but young minds and bodies were cramped, stupe- 
fied and deadened in that work. I asked Mr. 
Henry Demarest Lloyd to go with me to see those 
boys, hoping that he might make them the text of 
some noble chapter, perhaps in his volume on the 
Lords of Industry. 

On the way to them he saw a man, white-haired 
like himself, watching an endless procession of 
cans to which the lids would later be attached. 
This work called for no quality of mind, but sus- 
tained attention to a horrible monotony. The 
man watched perpetually for dents in tin cans, 
and when a can was dented, he removed it, using 



Modern Industry and Education 103 

one hand at long intervals. He needed good sight 
in order never to miss a dent. Thirteen years he 
had sat there, day after day, looking at cans. Mil- 
lions of them had passed before his eyes and gone 
their ways to the dump after their brief service 
was rendered. His industrial usefulness was re- 
duced to the use of his eyes exclusively. If they 
should lose their keenness, he would be a pauper. 
For discovering dents in cans is not work that so- 
ciety recompenses with a margin for savings. 

To Mr. Lloyd, then at the height of his powers, 
those lost thirteen years were a tragedy. He was 
fascinated, horrified at the sight of the slave of the 
machine. The man was a native American, edu- 
cated to read and write, but at the end of ten 
hours' work his eyes were too weary for reading. 
All his powers were absorbed by seeking dents in 
cans; whatever intelligence he exercised, he had 
to summon after exhausting the day's normal sup- 
ply of power of attention. 

That can-watcher is a type of millions of men 
who, in an infinite variety of ways, are reduced to 
some one form of attention. Often that is the 
sole demand upon one, his other powers atrophy 
by disuse. But the permanent tendency of indus- 
try is to install more automatic machines, to re- 
quire more tenders, perhaps one for one machine, 
perhaps one for six, or eight, or twenty. And 



104 Modern Industry and Education 

their inevitable tendency is to make the machine 
tender automatic like themselves. All intelligence 
for the performance of a voter's duty the machine 
tender must get and keep in spite of his work. 

For this more, perhaps, than for any other rea- 
son, the working day in industry must be short- 
ened for men as well as for women and youth, to 
save human faculties from being utterly dead- 
ened in the modern process of production, and to 
afford leisure for the valuable active uses of the 
mind. The unskilled laborer's working day must 
be shortened, his wage assured, the tasks of self- 
government laid upon him, not only as a citizen, 
but in his industry. This the trade unions have 
insisted upon for two generations. But the courts 
have not yet sustained on these grounds any 
statute limiting the hours of labor of men or 
women. 

The courts hold that, where obvious physical in- 
jury results from excessive hours of work, the 
freedom of contract may be abridged. But courts 
and legislators do not see that an industry which 
by long daily hours of monotonous work dulls the 
mind of the voters, attacks the life of the Repub- 
lic. It has, so far as I know, never been held that 
working hours can be shortened by statute in the 
interest of the public intelligence. 

Had the educated men of my generation been 



Modern Industry and Education 105 

trained in youth to insight and vision, to discern 
the industrial process of stupefying and, on the 
other hand, the demand of expanding democracy 
for intelligence in all the citizens, how different 
must have been their recent attitude toward the 
movement for a shorter working day, for one 
day's rest in seven, for the abolition of night work 
in every possible case! 

Democracy makes ever-widening demands upon 
the time and intelligence of the citizens. The in- 
itiative and referendum, the recall, proportional 
voting, direct primaries the new processes of 
democracy call into action growing bodies of 
public-spirited citizens, and demand of the rank 
and file a continuing series of decisions on matters 
of importance. Workmen's compensation, mini- 
mum wage boards, mothers' pensions, the short 
working day, child labor, compulsory education, 
equal suffrage, are all being legislated upon. Sev- 
eral of these measures call for popular votes, and 
all of them concern wage-earning people. There 
is incessant call for more intelligence in the voting 
constituency. But what intelligence can a man 
or woman exercise whose mind is dimmed by 
spending ten hours or more every day watching 
for dents in cans? How can weary eyes and a 
jaded mind be used for thoughtful reading on po- 
litical subjects? What is left wherewith to make 



106 Modern Industry and Education 

decisions? It is an irreconcilable conflict of ex- 
perience. 

The Wage Earners Educating Themselves 

Men and women employed in monotonous in- 
dustries in this country have missed the stimulus 
and education derived by cooperators from their 
personal interest in their cooperative business, 
because they have shirked the task of cooperative 
production and distribution carried forward on a 
vast scale during the past half century in Eng- 
land and on the Continent. In England one in 
six of the adult population is a cooperator, and 
wage-earning consumers sharing in the control of 
production and distribution acquire admirable so- 
cial education in the process. All this has been 
lost out of the experience of American wage earn- 
ers. Cooperative industry calls for sustained in- 
telligent effort by all the cooperators. Public 
ownership calls for an intelligently critical voting 
constituency forever alert to public affairs. But 
how can these qualities be demanded of common 
laborers, of machine tenders, of men and women 
speeded as American industry drives them to- 
day? 

Chief among the agencies of education, for good 
or evil, is work. The twin sources of human char- 
acter which have fitted the race for civilization 



Modern Industry and Education 107 

are the daily work done since the race began, and 
the discipline derived from family life since the 
first human mother cradled her first child. The 
schools awaken intelligence in multitudes of chil- 
dren during the few years of childhood, but the 
character and the intellectual development of the 
nations are determined by the long, unending dis- 
cipline of work. 

Our gravest mistake is habitually considering 
education as an experience of youth; worse still, 
as a process of preparing children for industry. 
While consciousness remains, life itself is educat- 
ing us. 

An illuminating little book, a creative study of 
one of our lost opportunities for making industry 
the handmaiden of education is unhappily con- 
cealed and disguised by its author, Gerald Stan- 
ley Lee, under the silly title, "Inspired Million- 
aires." It has substantial merit; it presents 
vividly the stimulating effect upon mill hands 
which would follow if they moved step by step, 
in regular promotion, from one part of the work 
of the mill to another so that in an industrial life- 
time all the employes might come into contact 
with every process for which they are not physi- 
cally or mentally incapacitated. 

Whenever the workers with hand and brain 
grasp the possibilities that lurk in this idea, they 



108 Modern Industry and Education 

will undoubtedly make it the complement to the 
present sordid "efficiency" movement. Their goal 
will be the efficiency of the manual worker as a 
human being, not merely his efficiency in pro- 
ducing goods as means to profits. Then no man 
will be reduced, like the slave of tin cans, to the 
use of his eyes alone. In that man's work there 
was never the waste of a motion : there was only 
the waste of a human life. 

In a near-by university city, which is also a 
manufacturing centre, I. spoke recently to an audi- 
ence of about four hundred wage-earning men 
and women. We were in a loathsome little hall, 
used during the week for moving picture shows, 
for the cruel waste of the school buildings, unused 
at night, entails the cost of rent upon wage earn- 
ers who would gladly use schools as they now use 
the ugly, ill-ventilated premises which alone their 
wages can command. The air was poisonously 
bad, but the audience remained from eight to 
eleven on Sunday evening, discussing the prosaic 
subject of minimum wages boards. Their eager, 
sustained attention was wonderful and, at the end 
of my hour-long monologue, they asked questions. 
I know much more about minimum wages boards 
from defending them under that hail of penetrat- 
ing questions. They had looked eagerly forward 
through the week to Sunday, preparing those 



Modern Industry and Education 109 

questions. Despite the bad air, they had suc- 
ceeded in listening critically. For them any possi- 
ble change in industrial conditions, however minor 
they may think that change likely to prove under 
the test of experience, kindles the mind. They 
are people under stress. 

This is one of the most vital processes of edu- 
cation going forward to-day this deliberate, con- 
tinuing effort of men and women, many of them 
already disciplined by experience in labor unions, 
to brace themselves against the destructive pres- 
sure of industry; to regain for themselves and 
their fellow wage earners some share of possession < 
and control of industry, through cooperation, 
through public ownership, through every possible 
extension of democracy. 

Thousands of such groups of working men and 
women are, throughout their long hours of 
monotony in the week, saving their minds from 
utter ruin by pondering the themes which they 
discuss in their meetings on Sunday. Scattered 
everywhere throughout the nation, they are safe- 
guarding their health and intelligence, and devel- 
oping their morals and citizenship. In spite of 
their stupefying work, and with cruelly little help 
from the constituted educational authorities, the 
wage earners are educating themselves. 



IV 



MODERN INDUSTRY IN RELATION TO 
MORALITY 



MODERN INDUSTRY AND MORALITY 

We are undergoing a transition in the life of the 
nation greater than any hitherto experienced, a 
change immeasurably greater than the freeing of 
four million slaves, a half century ago, as an inci- 
dent of a long and terrible war. This transition 
is of such import that it is quite impossible for us 
in the midst of it to measure its scope. Whether 
or not we are aware of it, whether we like it or not, 
we are living in the initial stages of the change 
from work done almost universally for private 
gain to work in the service of all. 

The vast multitude of federal employes who 
conduct the postal service, the health service, the 
forestry service, are soon to be augmented by rail- 
way and telegraph workers administering public 
transportation and communication. Postmaster- 
General Hitchcock, after introducing parcels posts 
and postal banks, left, as his parting message to 
the American people, advice that the public should 
own the telegraphs and telephones, and several 
cities in North Dakota are already taking his ad- 

113 



114 Modern Industry and Morality 

vice.* Postal savings banks and the parcels post 
came to us long after Europe had tested them, 
and only when our need was so urgent that they 
could not longer be deferred, and then only when 
the national banks were assured the privilege of 
receiving the postal bank deposits at two per cent. 
They are now a matter of course. 

Vast reclamation schemes applying to swamp 
and desert lands, and river regulation on a scale 
previously undreamed of, are already carried out, 
or are now in process, or are definitely planned by 
the federal authorities; and Congress is never 
without measures under consideration looking in 
these directions. 

Mr. Stimson, Secretary of War under Mr. Taft, 
made vigorous recommendations for federal activi- 
ties in relation to water storage and the use of 
power generated from navigable rivers, and the 
floods have given new weight to his words. The 
Secretary of the Navy has made public facts 
which strongly support the bill pending in Con- 
gress for establishing public armor plate works for 
the use of the Navy. 

The physical valuation of the railways by the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, a long and ex- 
ceedingly difficult step toward public ownership, 

* Postmaster-General Burleson is bringing the proposal ac- 
tively forward in the Wilson administration. 



Modern Industry and Morality 115 

is already under way. And an appropriation for 
building a federal railroad in Alaska is in force. 
Ever- widening areas of industry are coming into 
public possession, to be administered by cities, 
states and by the federal government: education, 
elementary and advanced, the public library busi- 
ness, lighting, the provision of milk, water, ice and 
coal, the use of water power for generating elec- 
tricity, as in the great hydro-electric works at 
Lewiston, Maine, and Houston, Texas.* 

* Among items too numerous to catalogue the following are 
current: 

Seattle owns a street car line, and San Francisco both owns 
and operates one; Detroit and Cleveland have voted to 
acquire car lines. Boston and New York City own sub- 
ways, though the citizens of New York have cause for bitter 
regret that theirs is leased to private corporations. 

Three Southern cities two in Texas and one in Tennessee 
own municipal abattoirs, and the federal Department of 
Agriculture vigorously recommends that all cities establish 
them. City health inspectors are as much a matter of 
course as the police, and are now reinforced by school nurses 
and doctors, while municipal physicians and nurses in the 
tuberculosis service, the maternity service, and the hospital 
follow-up work are increasing even more rapidly than are 
city milk stations. Serums and vaccines are commonly fur- 
nished by public health authorities. 

It has recently been held by the Supreme Court of Georgia 
that the city of Camilla may make and sell ice, and New 
York City is now establishing a municipal ice plant. Schenec- 
tady buys and sells ice and coal in the service of its citizens. 
Philadelphia has been sustained by the Pennsylvania courts 



116 Modern Industry and Morality 

The transition from competition to public serv- 
ice is far advanced. The very recent change in 
attitude of legislatures and courts is more signifi- 
cant than the actual tasks already undertaken. 

The material conditions for the vast change are 
at hand, and many phases of the transition have 
already been successfully achieved in other coun- 
tries whose experience awaits our study. 

The coming public service will test our morality 
on the largest scale yet applied to it. Can our 
democracy administer industry? Have we, as a 
nation, the moral qualities requisite for enduring 
that moral strain? 

We who are here, living in the midst of the 
transition, make our contribution to it consciously 
or unconsciously. We shape it, determine its 
character, and we are ill-fitted for the task. We 
suffer the disadvantage of living in a period when 
the morality of our great-grandparents is out- 
grown, and that of our grandchildren is not yet 
established. We live in a period of disintegration, 
of unparallelled moral pressure, and inadequate 
moral guidance, with the duty resting upon us of 

in its policy of buying land in excess of its immediate needs 
in connection with a boulevard. 

The state of Wisconsin leases land in its lake region to 
summer tenants. It also sells insurance; and savings bank 
insurance in Massachusetts is increasingly a state affair. 



Modern Industry and Morality 117 

scanning the horizon for every ray which may 
serve to illumine and guide us. 

The fundamental moral teaching that prevailed 
on this continent when the Republic was founded 
had its roots in the experience of an agricultural 
people its precepts and maxims were in harmony 
with and adequate to the clear demands of re- 
sponsibility and decency within the rural family. 
Those precepts defined the duties of father, 
mother and children living upon the farm which 
they owned and controlled, from which they de- 
rived their subsistence a self-sustaining group 
and the simple relations of such a family group 
with other similar family groups. Complex mod- 
ern industrial relations did not develop until the 
middle of the Nineteenth Century. Then came, 
after the Civil War, the change crescendo to the 
full complexity in which we live. 

To-day agriculture is still our chief industry, 
despite the modern development which has made 
us the most industrially productive of all nations; 
and the morality of agricultural individualism is 
our accepted morality. This affords no adequate 
guidance in the intricate relations of our rapidly 
changing life; and its insufficiency becomes from 
year to year more obvious with the evolution of 
industry. Between that obsolete morality which 
remains embodied in our laws, and our human 



118 Modern Industry and Morality 

needs in modern daily life, the contradiction has 
become intolerable. 

It is ominous that the industrial change comes 
not because the American people are intellectually 
convinced that it is desirable, but because past 
conditions can no longer be endured. It is, for 
instance, not reassuring that we are being driven 
toward public ownership of railroads by the in- 
competence and dishonesty of private manage- 
ment, and the consequent sacrifice of life, limb, 
health and welfare of employes and of travellers. 

This is, however, the case at the present mo- 
ment. Over-capitalization, insufficient equip- 
ment, overworked employes, appalling railway 
accidents, belated travel, delayed freight these 
accompaniments of irresponsible anonymous 
ownership are driving conservative New England 
toward responsible public ownership of her rail- 
roads. Meanwhile the Panama railroad offers an 
enticing sample on a small scale of the ability of 
the federal government to administer transporta- 
tion, even under present difficulties. 

Irresponsible Anonymous Ownership 

The old theory was that enlightened self-in- 
terest could be trusted to conduct industry, that 
the sum of all selfish interests would coincide with 
public interest. Tested in practice, however, this 



Modern Industry and Morality 119 

theory has not sustained modern life. Industry 
conducted for profit and regulated only by the 
pressure of competition (the labor being per- 
formed by men, women and children who are 
merely "hands") has produced, among its fruits, 
the maximum cynical disregard of the manhood, 
womanhood and childhood of the workers, and a 
loss of moral responsibility in the relation of the 
owners of industry to the consuming public. 

The fundamental immorality of our era from 
which innumerable smaller ills arise is that the 
worker has lost the ownership and control of his 
tools, his means of production. In the evolution 
from the distaff and spinning wheel to the cotton 
mill village owned anonymously by bond and 
stockholders who may live in Europe, or in South 
America, or Japan, the old foundation of indus- 
trial morality, honesty between two individual 
persons, is no longer adequate. 

The modern wage worker deprived of owner- 
ship and control of his tools is not obviously de- 
pendent like the chattel slave before the emanci- 
pation, or the coolie before the exclusion laws, or 
the peon, whom the federal government still occa- 
sionally discovers in the South, where at this mo- 
ment peonage exists, in horrifying forms, in the 
mining regions in West Virginia. The great mass 
of wage-earning people are not now consciously 



120 Modern Industry and Morality 

dependent as the Negroes and Chinese were. They 
are not like them conspicuously in need of being 
freed by the federal authorities. 

The fundamental immorality to-day is far more 
subtle. Instead of the wage earners owning and 
thereby controlling things, as the farmers did in 
the agricultural period, they are now under the 
control of things (products and means of produc- 
tion). Through those things they are controlled 
by other human beings who, as stockholders and 
bond owners, possess perhaps a great factory town 
like Gary, Indiana, or a cotton mill village in 
Rhode Island or Georgia a modern Franken- 
stein into which the ancient tools of the workers 
have now developed. 

As an example of such anonymous, impersonal 
ownership, I venture once more to refer to the 
former conditions in the steel industry, to the 
cruelty, among others, of excessive working hours 
in intolerable heat. When in the Pittsburgh Sur- 
vey the exact facts were made public, Mr. Charles 
Cabot, a stockholder in the steel industry, pro- 
tested that these things were not and, in the na- 
ture of things, could not be true. When, however, 
the statements had all been substantiated, Mr. 
Cabot declared that every shareholder in that in- 
dustry ought to know these conditions. He, 
therefore, asked the corporation for a list of stock- 



Modern Industry and Morality 121 

holders in order that he might bring the facts to 
the knowledge of the owners, his fellow bond and 
stockholders in the industry. Three years passed 
before he succeeded in getting the list. 

In a great corporation owned by bond and 
stockholders nobody knows who is the employer. 
The employer is a vast composite changing from 
day to day with every transfer of stocks and 
bonds. Nor are the employes known. Even the 
manager or foreman often knows a given employe 
only as a number on the pay roll. If the "hand" 
is killed, buried, perhaps, in molten metal, no- 
body knows who has perished except from the 
number on his locker. So entirely anonymous is 
the relation between stockholder and employe, 
and among fellow owners in the most highly de- 
veloped of our industries. This form, this organi- 
zation of industry, and this anonymous relation 
within it, have grown up since the Civil War. 
The steel industry is, perhaps, the perfect example 
of the alienation of the anonymous worker and 
anonymous employer. It is the current industrial 
ideal of organization toward which the great in- 
dustries tend the uttermost detachment of the 
worker from ownership of the tools, and utter 
freedom on the part of the owners from personal 
responsibility alike toward the workers and the 
community. 



122 Modern Industry and Morality 

One incidental result of this detachment is a 
lack of scruple on the part of the anonymous 
owners of a given industry, the employers of the 
labor engaged in it, toward the consuming pub- 
lic. One of the earliest maxims laid down for 
the guidance of people entering trade is the old 
Roman saying: Caveat emptor Let the pur- 
chaser beware! Never was it more applicable 
than to-day. The anonymous relation of the per- 
son offering goods for sale is fundamentally im- 
moral primarily because it is devoid of responsi- 
bility. 

The federal pure food act proclaims to the world 
that our food-producing industries, although they 
are organized with greater ability than has ever 
before been devoted to the task, cannot be trusted 
to feed America. The meat inspection law pub- 
lishes similar tidings of the meat industry to the 
people who consume its product. 

When federal inspection of the stock yards was 
forced upon us by the German government, which 
excluded from German territory our meat prod- 
ucts unless the commercial integrity of the pack- 
ers and the purity of their goods were guaranteed 
by the federal government, the brand upon the 
meat incidentally branded the packers. The 
morality of the men in charge of this great staple 
American industry has never borne any proportion 



Modern Industry and Morality 123 

to their ability. Yet the federal Department of 
Agriculture for years permitted the sale to us of 
meat which could not be guaranteed by it and, 
therefore, could not be sent abroad. These things 
have been possible because the ownership of the 
vast and complicated meat industry had been ir- 
responsible. There is no moral restraint on the 
part of managers of stock yards. Theirs is a 
property, an investment, not a service. 

A similar thing was true long ago of the Scotch 
fisheries. The contents of the kegs of herring 
were notoriously different from their labels, so 
that foreign consumers demanded as a guarantee 
of honest contents the brand of the English gov- 
ernment. Most products are, however, not sold 
to foreign nations able to establish and to enforce 
upon us an international standard of integrity. 
The slow passage of the pure-food law by Con- 
gress (requiring eighteen years of continuous ef- 
fort) and the painful, largely unsuccessful strug- 
gle to get the law enforced against powerful food- 
producing companies and their agents in the press, 
indicate the patience of the American people in 
the presence of commercial dishonesty and lack of 
standards. 

The public accepts with heartfelt admiration 
gifts to charity and to the higher education from 
known adulterators of food, so confused are our 



124 Modern Industry and Morality 

moral standards in relation to industry. And this 
confusion is a normal product of modern indus- 
try. 

One sinister consequence of the anonymous, im- 
personal ownership of business, and the accom- 
panying degradation of the workers to the posi- 
tion of "hands," is their own acceptance of this 
position. Filthy or diseased meat, adulterated 
eatables, short-weight packages, though the prod- 
uct of their labor appear to them to be no con- 
cern of theirs. They feel no share in the guilt of 
the employing concern under whose orders, and in 
whose pay, they put alum in bread, formaldehyde 
in milk, tin, lead or iron in silk (in the process of 
dyeing), or shoddy in place of wool in garments 
to be worn by other working people. Steel work- 
ers know when there are blow holes in armor 
plates, but they regard it as no affair of theirs. 
The negotiation is between the steel manufacturer 
and the Navy Department, and the wage earner's 
experience has awakened in him no patriot's rage 
against such treason. If he thinks at all of the 
matter, it is perhaps to reflect that wars are fought 
to the profit of financiers, and at cost of working 
people, whichever side wins. Or the steel worker 
may sullenly remember that he has long been 
begging the Government to abolish contract work 
and make its own steel plate. 



Modern Industry and Morality 125 

In any case, the irresponsible state of mind of 
employing corporations and indifferent "hands" 
is more threatening to civilization than the actual 
harm inflicted by alum, formaldehyde, shoddy, 
blow holes and all the other poisons and dishonest 
products. And this indifference, like the moral 
confusion of the general public concerning gifts 
derived from these and similar sinister sources for 
the higher education, philanthropy and religion, 
is a normal product of modern industry. 

Our confusion is well illustrated in relation to 
our concept of murder. 

The Old Commandment in the New Order 

The Commandment, Thou Shalt Not Kill, is 
still valid in our laws to the extent that the indi- 
vidual murderer of an individual person pays with 
his life for his crime, the hangman or electrocu- 
tioner being held somewhat whimsically ex- 
empt from the effect of the Commandment. But 
wholesale killing in industry as in war remains un- 
punished. 

Our morality has been sapped by precept and 
practice, by living in a society in which the moral 
foundations of industry are false and corrupting. 
The human mind accepts without revolt that to 
which it is accustomed from childhood. Canni- 
bals were not horrified at eating their grand- 



126 Modern Industry and Morality 

parents. Soldiers do not recoil from murder, they 
plan it systematically years in advance; and on 
the field of battle they bayonet men as butchers 
stick pigs. And gentle grandmothers give little 
children paper or tin soldiers as playthings, and 
read of bayonet charges with enthusiasm. 

Owners of tenement houses do not count them- 
selves infanticides, though the death rate of babies 
in tenements is twice as large as elsewhere. On 
the contrary, the real estate interests fight as one 
man every requirement of tenement house sanita- 
tion which seems to threaten to cut into their 
incomes. The landlords' resistance to improved 
housing is uninterrupted and nation wide. 

Although dirty milk is a permanently active 
cause of disease and death, the milk producers and 
dealers succeeded in 1913 in defeating legislation 
calculated to assure greater cleanliness in the rural 
treatment of the milk supply of New York City. 

Builders, managers, stock and bond holders of 
factories are not punished as murderers, though a 
hundred and more men and women perish by fire 
and smoke in a single work room. In connection 
with the most terrible of factory fires, the owners 
of the building have been absolved by the courts 
of New York State from all criminal responsibil- 
ity for the monstrous slaughter, and the firm is 
still doing business. 



Modern Industry and Morality 127 

When hundreds of women and children on a 
Sunday School outing in the East River perished 
by drowning, many of the 'victims were lost be- 
cause the cork safety belts carried on the boat were 
weighted with lead or iron, substances cheaper 
than cork in belts bought and sold by weight. 
Only the captain of the Slocum was punished. 
Manufacturers and dealers in cork safety belts ap- 
pear to be free to continue to furnish their death- 
dealing wares. 

We are by way of forgetting the Iroquois Thea- 
tre in Chicago in which children were suffocated 
at a matinee. The manager far from having 
been punished for failing to supply the needed 
precautions for safety appeared before a legis- 
lative committee at Springfield, in 1911, insolently 
to oppose, and demand the repeal of, the benefi- 
cent Illinois statute which keeps young children 
off the stage. 

Some years ago a speculator cornered the ice 
supply in summer in New York City. The price 
rose, poor mothers could not buy ice, and the list 
of deaths of babies lengthened, for milk without 
ice is poison in the tenements in summer. Later 
for an offence unrelated to this, the speculator was 
sent to a federal penitentiary for a long term. 
Upon the representations of reputable physicians 
that the convict was about to die, the President 



128 Modern Industry and Morality 

pardoned him. Our moral sense is dulled by 
modern industry, and the President in pardon- 
ing a single influential one among hundreds 
of sick convicts, and one whose record was, 
perhaps, the most anti-social of all, did but act in 
accordance with prevailing standards. 

It is silly and confusing to tilt at Big Business, 
as though bigness in itself were the sole or the 
chief active element in our political and industrial 
immorality. The pushcart peddlers and news ven- 
dors who have stands on city street corners are 
animated by precisely the same business motives 
as the gas trust, the surface car companies and all 
the other large exploiters of the cities. And their 
very numbers make the little offenders perhaps 
the more insidiously poisonous to the community, 
in these days of transition to new forms of indus- 
try calling for new and loftier morality. The 
source of corruption in large and small alike is ir- 
responsibility, the relation to the community of 
freebooting exploiters in a society which sends 
those who fail to the almshouse and the potter's 
field. 

Morally Extra Hazardous Employments 

In any review of the moral aspects of our pres- 
ent transition, our failure to develop voluntary 
cooperation in distribution looms large. We are 



Modern Industry and Morality 129 

punished for our sins of omission by having the 
vastest department store industry in the world 
with its morally extra hazardous employment of 
thousands of underpaid, inexperienced young 
women and girls, transferred from the meagre life 
of the tenement and the narrow, rigid routine of 
the elementary school to the midst of luxury such 
as had not been invented in the days of Louis 
XVI. In the midst of this poisonous luxury they 
are paid from three dollars a week upward. 

In the interest of the public morals because of 
the nature of the surroundings and the unlimited 
access of the public the demand would be a le- 
gitimate one that girls should not be employed 
in department stores before the 21st birthday, un- 
til their youthful character had time to solidify. 

The investment in department stores is stu- 
pendous. In the whole country it runs into hun- 
dreds of millions, upon which dividends must be 
earned. Window dressing, counter dressing, and 
newspaper advertising are obviously directed to 
the single purpose of enticing consumers, chiefly 
women, to buy, in addition to the necessary 
staples, articles of which they would otherwise 
not think. Its aim is the enticement of consum- 
ers, as adulterating goods in manufacture is in- 
tended to exploit them. 

This particular form of moral strain was un- 



130 Modern Industry and Morality 

known before the present half century. The dis- 
proportion between what the employes get and 
what surrounds them, indicates the cynicism, the 
blunted sympathy of the consuming public. Were 
women richer in discernment, in sympathetic im- 
agination, we must have registered long since our 
veto upon this /mseducation of ourselves and of 
those who serve us in the stores. As an index both 
of our undeveloped sympathy and of our potential 
power as consumers, these stores are monumental. 
We have never even discerned how pernicious is 
their influence in the great cities. 

Had we developed a cooperative movement in 
proportion to our retail distribution, comparable 
to the similar movements in England, Germany 
and Belgium, our exploitation of young workers 
in retail trade could never have reached its pres- 
ent extent. In cooperative commerce there is vir- 
tually no advertising. Goods are made, trans- 
ported and sold to meet human needs which re- 
quire no stimulation. The consequent saving to 
the public is not confined to dollars and cents. For 
both employes and purchasers the saving of 
moral strain is incalculable. 

How alien to our whole habit of mind is the de- 
mand for an administration of industry giving to 
the workers active benefit throughout the process 
of work itself! We may, indeed, be justly charged 



Modern Industry and Morality 131 

with having maintained a national policy of pres- 
sure upon the wage earners. For generations we 
imported slaves. When that form of competition 
was abolished, there came the coolies. After their 
Irish competitors succeeded in getting them ex- 
cluded, peonage and child labor loomed up, and 
still exist. Now the steerage brings detached 
young girls by tens of thousands from Europe. 

Every immigrant girl who enters upon manu- 
facture or commerce is a living threat to the 
standard of life of men and women already here. 
Witness Lawrence, Little Falls, the stockyards, 
the underpaid needle trades, the department 
stores. 

Since the Children's Crusade, dark episode of 
the Dark Ages, there has been no international 
spectacle at once so pathetic, so cruel, so shameful 
to the nations which permit it, as this migration 
of young girls lured by American industry. 

Moral Self-education by Consumers 

For nearly a quarter century the Consumers' 
League has been bringing to bear upon industry 
the intelligence of consumers in the interests of 
their own consciences and of the life, health, in- 
telligence and well-being of wage workers. It has 
promoted short working hours for women and 
children, wage boards, and healthful conditions of 



132 Modern Industry and Morality 

work, and the abolition of child labor and of the 
sweating system. The League holds that con- 
sumers are entitled to a clean conscience if they 
act as conscientious people; that they can, if they 
will, enforce a claim to have all that they buy free 
from the taint of cruelty. By faithful organized 
inquiry they can ascertain the facts of industry, 
and when in the light of the facts standards are 
set up, consumers have power to enforce them. 
After this quarter century of modest experimental 
effort, it is clear that the enlightened consuming 
public is destined to play an increasing part in 
determining industrial morality. 

Nothing could, however, be clearer than the 
teaching of this same quarter century's experi- 
ence : that no one can, by individual effort alone, 
however patient and enlightened that effort may 
be, achieve any satisfying personal relation to in- 
dustry. The larger the range and scope of the 
associated effort, the greater its value, particularly 
its educational value, for the participants. Think- 
ing people are challenged to ceaseless effort to in- 
crease the enlightened power of consumers over 
production and distribution, by law, by publicity, 
by cooperation. 



Modern Industry and Morality 133 

Our Preparation for the Change 

Our lack is intellectual and spiritual. We dis- 
trust ourselves and each other. The mental en- 
ergy of our ablest men has been too largely ex- 
pended in industrial organization in the service of 
greed for dividends. We have been taught too 
long, and we have believed too credulously, that 
the profit motive is the best of which we are ca- 
pable. The failure and crime that we see we at- 
tribute to the frailty of human nature, not, as the 
facts demand, to the corroding power of industry 
on a basis fundamentally immoral. 

We all suffer a lack of moral sensitiveness be- 
cause we are, throughout our lives, members of a 
society in which the average length of life of wage 
earners is conspicuously less than the life of pros- 
perous people. We accept this with equanimity 
as we accept child labor, and avoidable night work 
even when performed by young girls, and the 
monstrous spectacle of wholesale poverty in the 
midst of riches beyond the power of the mind to 
compute or to conceive. Our industrial epoch has 
corroded our morals and hardened our hearts as 
surely as slavery injured its contemporaries, and 
far more subtly. There is grave reason to fear 
that it may have unfitted us for the oncoming 
stage of civilization, as slave owning unfitted the 



134 Modern Industry and Morality 

white race for freedom and democracy, and left its 
blight of race hatred from which the Republic still 
suffers. 

Acid tests of the industrial morality of every 
public movement are the questions : "Does it tend 
to restore to the people who work a share in the 
ownership and control of the tools of industry? 
Does it contribute to the ability of any group of 
wage earners to fit themselves in mind, character 
and economic position to participate helpfully in 
the transition? Does it promote the enactment of 
the industrial code?". Whatever is calculated to 
enable us as a people, or any group among us, to 
make a step forward on the road to peaceful serv- 
ice away from the battlefield of greed, is a contri- 
bution to the sum total of industrial morality. 
And whatsoever hinders a forward step is in itself 
actively evil, because it prolongs the existing evil. 

We can retrieve our integrity only as we come 
to accept as our ideal service instead of profit. 
And this can be achieved only as industry becomes 
a city, state, and national service. We are, in- 
deed, confronted by the task of extending public 
ownership of industry, and cooperative distribu- 
tion of products, in the interest of the moral life 
of the American people. 

No one can predict how we, as a nation, shall 
bear the strain of industry made collective, and 



Modern Industry and Morality 135 

permanently a cooperative undertaking of citi- 
zens, without the relation of master and men. No 
prophet can foretell with certainty whether we 
can make that change peacefully, without a great 
revulsion and reaction, by reason of the unco- 
operative spirit in which we have all been bred. 
In the transition from the old industrial society 
we need to bring to bear all the wisdom, all the 
varied experience and discipline, that life has be- 
stowed upon us all. We cannot safely omit from 
the common task any human soul however hum- 
ble. 

In each generation some cause arises which 
serves as a touchstone for the genuine democracy 
of mankind. Such to-day is the industrial transi- 
tion. On the Pacific Coast and in the Northwest 
where the citizens have developed democratic in- 
stitutions the initiative, the referendum, the re- 
call (including judges), equal suffrage, minimum 
wage boards, and the short working day they go 
forward confidently with transition measures. 
There the conservation battle rages. 

Indeed, the most hopeful feature of our outlook 
is our democracy, the fact that manhood suffrage 
has long been a matter of course in most of the 
states, the rapidly developing movement for giv- 
ing votes to women, and the spread of the new de- 



136 Modern Industry and Morality 

vices of democracy eastward from the Pacific 
Coast. 

It is the teachers' duty to prepare the minds of 
the next generation for carrying on the further 
stages of this industrial and political change. But 
how can the teachers themselves be fitted for their 
task? 

The time of transition needs more than all 
things else socially minded people, multitudes of 
average men and women trained to habits of in- 
tegrity and cooperation. But what preparation 
has been made for this? 

Aside from building and loan associations, and 
farmers' clubs and other agricultural organiza- 
tions, including the shippers' associations, we are 
almost without the experience of industrial co- 
operation. 

Among industrial wage-earning people outside 
the railway Brotherhoods organization, asso- 
ciated action, has had to fight a losing battle for 
its life. In the steel industry, in the stock yards 
and packing houses, and in numerous other occu- 
pations there has been a systematic and largely 
successful movement to extinguish the unions, 
some of the most important of which have 
perished outright, while others have been per- 
manently crippled. 

The treasurer of a great manufacturing cor- 



Modern Industry and Morality 137 

poration explained to me with pride and pleasure 
some years ago, on the occasion of his leaving his 
office, that, in his opinion, his greatest service had 
consisted in the device which he had invented for 
making organization impossible among the em- 
ployes. This device consisted in a rigid rule that, 
whenever the unskilled men in any department 
who spoke the same language reached the propor- 
tion of fifteen per cent, of all the men in that de- 
partment, men speaking other languages must be 
engaged. This was avowedly for the purpose of 
making it difficult for the men to know each other. 
This method has since been widely adopted by 
large employers. 

For five and twenty years the unions have been 
increasingly compelled to place themselves on a 
war footing, if they were to exist at all, and the 
enormous majority of wage earners are wholly 
unorganized. No preparation could be less 
adapted than this to a peaceful change to indus- 
try organized as a public service. Grave, indeed, 
is the responsibility of the men who have done 
this, gravest of all when, in the process, they have 
deprived working men and women of the consti- 
tutional rights of organization and assemblage, of 
freedom of speech and of the press! 

The causal relation of industry to the present 
evils in social life and personal character has been 



138 Modern Industry and Morality 

slow to compel recognition, slower in this country 
than in Europe. With growing insight comes a 
challenge to our integrity of intellect and charac- 
ter. To see injustice without protesting is to share 
in it. To profit by recognized injustice is cynical. 

This causal relation reveals itself naturally first 
to those who suffer acutely, to men and women 
who, working long and hard, get little pay, are in- 
jured in health, and die young. Their work brings 
them together in mines and mills, in industrial 
cities such as the world never before beheld, their 
daily experience is in common, they compare 
grievances, and are stimulated to common effort 
for the common good. Because they can achieve 
nothing alone, they are disciplined perforce to 
work together, to acquire whatever virtues come 
of voluntary association. 

Just in proportion as they resist the inherent 
tendency of industry and participate in hasten- 
ing the change they are agents of regeneration. 
Unlike the slaves who were set free without their 
own participation, unlike the coolies who were 
excluded without protest, the wage earners 
through their solidarity, their organizations, their 
political party, test the democracy of our time 
and are preparing, however haltingly, the condi- 
tions necessary to a higher and finer civilization. 

The changed morality that is needed to make 



Modern Industry and Morality 139 

the present transformation in our national life a 
beneficent one is yet to be inculcated in the 
schools, the colleges and universities. The teach- 
ing profession confronts to-day the noble task of 
preparing the mind and spirit- of the oncoming 
generation for this change. Theirs is the new duty 
of inculcating the new ideal of the democracy of 
the future: the ideal of service performed not as 
philanthropy, not as charity, not alone in the care 
of childhood and old age, but in a transformed 
industry, a universal service of men and women of 
to-morrow the direct, inevitable consequence of 
the industrial development of to-day. 



INDEX 



Alabama- 
child labor in, 52, 92 
Alaska 

federal railroad in, 115 

women vote in, 36 
American 

colleges and universities, 
83 

Conference on Social In- 
surance, 47 

industry, 100, 122 

monographs on industrial 
disease, 56 

Social Science Association, 

81 
Andrews, John B. 

investigation of white sul- 
phur in industry, 56 
Arbitration 

compulsory of labor dis- 
putes, 4 
Arizona 

eight-hour law in, 36, 74 

women vote in, 36 
Arkansas 

birth registration in, 45 

harvesting in, 10 
Auburn, 9, 28 
Australia, 25, 32, 33 
Berlin, University of, 82 



Berne- 
International Conference 
for Labor Legislation 
in, 73 

Births, registration of, 45, 46 

Bismarck, Prince, 83 

Boston owns subways, 115 

Bournemouth, 26 

Burleson, Postmaster - Gen- 
eral, 114 

Butler, Elizabeth, 24 

Cabot, Charles, 120 

California 
eight-hour law for women 

in, 36, 74 

minimum wage law in, 36 
women vote in, 36 

Camilla, Georgia, city of, 115 

Canada, untaxing buildings 

in, 25 
harvesting in Western, 10 

Carolinas, the 
child labor in, 52, 92 
housing in, 22 

Census, the, 16, 44, 64, 74, 98 

Chicago 

congested districts in, 47 
new voters in, 53 
Stockyards, 31, 46, 57 
University Settlement, 31 



141 



142 



Index 



Child labor, 5, 6, 17, 27, 28, 

52, 57, 91, 93, 105, 133 
Federal bill, 93, 94, 102 
National Committee, 91, 98 
Children's Bureau, 45 
Cincinnati, Haeberle monu- 
ment in, 6 

free school books in, 6 
Clark, S. A., 55 
Code, the industrial, 5, 37, 

134 

Colorado 
eight-hour day for women 

in, 36, 74 

Minimum Wage Board, 36 
women vote in, 36 
Commons, Professor, 62 
Compulsory arbitration, 4 
Compulsory education 5, 6, 

18, 100, 105 

Congested districts, 23, 24 
Congestion of population in 
Borough of Manhattan, 
24 
Connecticut, closing hour for 

women's work, 74 
farm labor in, 10 
Consumers, 55, 85, 89, 106, 

123, 129, 131, 132 
Consumers' League, 131, 132 
Continuation schools, 52. 

in Ohio and Wisconsin, 95 
Cooperative Congress (In- 
ternational), 34 
distribution, 134 



Cooperation, development of, 

37, 109 
in England and on the 

Continent, 34, 106 
Cornell, 81, 83 
Cost of living, 53 
Court of Appeals of New 

York, 13, 28 

Dangerous industries, 64, 70 
Death rate, 16, 17, 47 
Detroit votes to acquire 

street car line, 116 
District of Columbia, eight- 
hour day for women in, 
36, 74 

Ellis Island, 64 
Ely, Professor Richard T., 81 
England, 8, 16, 26, 130 
Federated Cooperative So- 
cieties in, 34 
Garden Cities in, 25 
Lloyd George land taxes 

in, 25 

minimum wage laws in, 32 
Erdman Act, 31 
Europe, 31, 63, 64, 81, 119, 

138 

night work treaty in, 73 
Extra-hazardous industries, 

65, 66 

morally, 128 

Factory inspection, 67, 68 
Fall River, 16 
Fatigue, 53, 71, 72, 75 
and Efficiency, 71 



Index 



143 



Federal Cabinet, 47 
Census Bureau, 45 
child labor bill, 93, 94 
civil service, 31 
Commission on Homes, 

26 

Department of Agricul- 
ture, 115, 123 
Department of Health, 

47 

Employes, 113 
Government, 63, 119, 

122 
inspection of stockyards, 

122 

penitentiary, 127 
Pure Food Act, 50, 122 
railroad in Alaska, 115 
Report on Conditions of 
Labor of Woman and 
Child Wage-earners, 16 
Foreign colonies, 48 
Frankfort, 26 
Garden cities, 25 
Gary, Indiana, 120 
Georgia, 120 
Camilla, 115 

child labor in, 52, 92, 94 
housing in, 21, 22 
Supreme Court of, 115 
Germany, 8, 16, 64, 82 
cooperative movement in, 

130 

factory inspectors in, 67 
social insurance in, 46, 65 



Glasgow, International Co- 
operative Congress in, 35 
Goldmark, Josephine, 71 
Haeberle, Joe, 6 
Hamilton, Alice, studies of 

lead poisoning by, 56 
Health, Safety and Comfort 

Act (Illinois), 56, 57 
Hedger, Dr. Caroline, 30 
Holden vs. Hardy, 70 
Homework, 5, 28 
Housing 
codes, 5 
in Carolinas, Georgia, 

Virginia, 22 

New York City, 23, 24 
problem hitherto insolu- 
ble, 53 

Hull House, 10 
Hunter, Robert, 19 
Illinois 
State Factory Inspector of, 

57 

women vote in, 36 
Indiana, closing hour for 

work of women in, 74 
Gary, 120 

Industrial code, 4, 28, 37, 134 
Industrial disease, 14, 56, 63 

tuberculosis an, 53 
Industrial hygiene, 56, 85 
Infant mortality, 16, 49 

crusade against, 41 
Initiative and referendum, 
105, 135 



144 



Index 



Institutions for children, 18 
Insurance 
International Conference 

on Social, 47 
mutual, 65 
records, 45 
savings bank, 116 
social, 4, 46, 47 
International Conference for 

Labor Legislation, 73 
International Cooperative 

Alliance, 35 

Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission, 114 
Ives case, 13, 67 
Japan, 119 

Kansas, women vote in, 36 
Labor organizations, 12, 109, 

136, 137 
Land taxes, 25 
Lee, General Stanley, 107 
Lloyd George, 25 
Lloyd, Henry Demarest, 102, 

103 

Lochner vs. New York, 70 
Lords of Industry, 88, 102 
Los Angeles 
enfranchised women in, 

53 
nursing the poor in their 

homes in, 42 
Massachusetts 
State Board of Health, 56 
closing hour for women's 
work in, 74 



Massachusetts Continued 
compulsory education of il- 
literate minors in, 95 
eight-hour working day of 

children in, 93 
savings bank insurance in, 

116 

Metschnikoff, Professor, 43 
Michigan 

alcohol industry in, 75 

registration of births, 45 

Milk stations, 48, 50, 51, 115 

Minimum wage boards, 5, 

31, 32, 105, 108, 135 
standards of home con- 
struction, 21 

standards in education, 
91 



eight-hour day of working 

children in, 93 
Supreme Court of, 72 
Mothers' pensions, 5, 14 
National Consumers' League, 

55, 57, 71, 74, 91 
Child Labor Committee, 

91 

Education Association, 91 
Nebraska, closing hour for 

women's work in, 74 
New England, 16, 45, 118 
cotton mill regions of, 15 
farm labor in, 10 
working day of children in, 
93 



Index 



145 



New Jersey 
birth registration in, 46 
silk mills in, 89 
New York City, 19, 47, 50 
birth registration in, 45 
congested district in, 23 
housing in, 21, 23, 24, 26 
municipal milk stations in, 

49, 126 
nursing the poor in their 

homes in, 42 
Paulist Fathers in, 88 
owns subways, 115 
working papers in, 98 
New York State, 7, 8, 12 
children's institutions in, 

18 
Civil Service Commission, 

68 
closing hour for women's 

work in, 74 
Constitution, 13, 28 
Court of Appeals, 13, 28, 

67 
Factories Investigating 

Commission, 56 
Factory Inspectors, 68 
registration of births in, 45 
New Zealand, 25 
Night work, 4, 5, 11, 12, 15, 

17, 62, 73, 74, 89, 105, 133 
North Carolina, birth regis- 
tration in, 45 
Ohio- 
alcohol industry in, 75 



Ohio Continued 

child labor in, 6 

compulsory education in, 6 

continuation schools in, 
95 

free schoolbooks in, 6 
Oliver, Sir Thomas, 15, 56 
Oregon- 
minimum wage law in, 36 

women vote in, 36 

working day of women in, 

71 
Ownership, cooperative, 36 

corporate, 25 

home, 28 

irresponsible anonymous, 
114, 118 

of business, 124 

of tools, 119, 121 

primitive, 35 

public, 106, 109, 118, 133 
Pasteur Institute, 44 
Paulist Fathers, 88 
Pennsylvania 

Closing hour for women's 
work in, 74 

Coal roads in, 29, 30 

glass industry in, 92 

legislature of, 63 

registration of births in, 45 

silk mills in, 89 

Supreme Court of, 64, 65, 
66, 115 

Westmoreland, 29 
Philadelphia, 69, 115 



146 



Index 



Pittsburgh, 57, 58 
City of, 63 
Ellis Island to, 63 
Survey, 57, 62, 120 

Port Sunlight, 26 

Recall, 76, 135 

Referendum, 36, 135 

Registration 
area, 45, 47 
of births, 45 
of deaths, 46 
of tuberculosis, 46 

Rhode Island, 120 

Rochester, milk stations in, 
49 

Russell Sage Foundation, 
71 

Safety devices, 4 

San Francisco 
new voters in, 53 
owns street car line, 115 
women voters recall Judge 
Weller in, 76 

Schenectady, 115 

Scholarship committee, 20 

Seattle owns street car line, 
115 

Shaftesbury, Lord, 86 

Sherman, P. T., Commission- 
er of Labor, 69 

Slocum disaster, 127 

Social insurance, 46 

Standard of 
education, 91 
housing, 21 



Standard of 

living, 53, 54 

wages, 54 

Steel industry, 62, 64, 121, 136 
Strikes for higher wages, 54 

for shorter working hours, 

69 

Sumner, Professor, 81 
Supreme Court of 

Mississippi, 72 

Pennsylvania, 64, 66, 115 

United States, 65, 66, 70, 
71, 74, 75 

Washington, 65 
Sweating system, 5, 23 
Switzerland, 82 
Taxation, 25 
Taxes, 14, 18 

Tenement houses, 21, 24, 28, 
126 

certified milk in, 51 

breeding places of tuber- 
culosis, 51 

reform, 23, 25 
Tennessee, birth registration 
in, 45 

municipal abattoirs in, 115 
Texas, harvesting in, 10 

municipal abattoirs in, 115 
Tuberculosis, 18, 51 

crusade against, 41 

preventing, 54 

tenements breeding places 

of, 26, 52 
Ulm, land policy of, 26 



Index 



147 



Unemployment, 5 
United States, 47, 56, 82 

constitution, 67 

Supreme Court, 65, 67, 

70, 71, 73, 74 
Utah- 
minimum wage law in, 36 

women vote in, 36 
Vancouver, untaxing build- 
ings in, 25 
Vice, 75 
Virginia 

housing in, 22 
Vital statistics, 45, 46 
Vocational education, 95 
Wage boards, 5, 31-33, 105, 

108, 135 

Wages, public interference 
with, 54 

public regulation of, 33 

strikes for increased, 54 

unskilled laborers, 23 

legislation, 55 

scale, 31 

women's, 27 
Washington 

eight-hour law for women 
in, 36 

women vote in, 36 

workmen's compensation in, 
65, 67 



Weller, Judge Charles, 76 
Werner, Justice, 13 
Westmoreland, 29 
West Virginia boys work at 
night in, 89 

coal roads in, 28 

glass works in, 89-92 

lack of vital statistics in, 
46 

peonage in, 119 
Widows, 13, 23 

pensions, 5, 14, 19 
Wilson, President, 74 

Administration, 114 
Wisconsin, alcohol industry 
in, 75 

continuation schools in, 95 

leases land to summer ten- 
ants, 115 

Woerishoffer, Carola, 84 
Working hours, 12, 69, 104 

of bakers, 70, 71 

of children, 93 

miners, 70 

steel industry, 62, 63 

strikes for shorter, 69 
Working papers, 45, 98, 100 
Workmen's compensation, 4, 

13, 66, 67, 105 
Wyatt, Edith, 55 
Zurich, 82 



TWENTIETH CENTURY SOCIALISM 

What it is not; What it is; 
How it may come. 

BY 

EDMOND KELLY, M.A., F.G.S. 

Late Lecturer on Municipal Government at Columbia 

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LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO., NEW YORK 



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